ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY最新文献

{"title":"To Intermix with Our White Brothers: Indian Mixed Bloods in the United States from Earliest Times to the Indian Removals","authors":"J. W. Parins","doi":"10.2307/40031086","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/40031086","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51953,"journal":{"name":"ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"65 1","pages":"310"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/40031086","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68736211","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Commander of all Lincoln's armies : a life of General Henry W. Halleck","authors":"John F. Marszalek","doi":"10.2307/27649111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/27649111","url":null,"abstract":"In the summer of 1862, President Lincoln called General Henry W. Halleck to Washington, D.C., to take command of all Union armies in the death struggle against the Confederacy. For the next two turbulent years, Halleck was Lincoln's chief war advisor, the man the President deferred to in all military matters. Yet, despite the fact that he was commanding general far longer than his successor, Ulysses S. Grant, he is remembered only as a failed man, ignored by posterity. In the first comprehensive biography of Halleck, the prize-winning historian John F. Marszalek recreates the life of a man of enormous achievement who bungled his most important mission. When Lincoln summoned him to the nation's capital, Halleck boasted outstanding qualifications as a military theorist, a legal scholar, a brave soldier, and a California entrepreneur. Yet in the thick of battle, he couldn't make essential decisions. Unable to produce victory for the Union forces, he saw his power become subsumed by Grant's emergent leadership, a loss that paved the way for Halleck's path to obscurity. Harnessing previously unused research, as well as the insights of modern medicine and psychology, Marszalek unearths the seeds of Halleck's fatal wartime indecisiveness in personality traits and health problems. In this brilliant dissection of a rich and disappointed life, we gain new understanding of how the key decisions of the Civil War were taken, as well as insight into the making of effective military leadership.","PeriodicalId":51953,"journal":{"name":"ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"64 1","pages":"450"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/27649111","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68440249","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Localism and the Creation of a State Police in Arkansas","authors":"M. G. Lindsey","doi":"10.2307/40023349","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/40023349","url":null,"abstract":"EFFORTS TO CREATE STATE POLICE FORCES in the United States during the first four decades of the twentieth century faced a number of practical and ideological obstacles. This proved especially true in the South where state governments tended to be poorer than their northern counterparts and thus less able to afford the cost of such a force. A more important factor working against the creation of state police forces was the South's traditional preference for local control. This preference for localism, or, as Edward Ayers more precisely described it, \"localistic republicanism,\" opposed any attempts, no matter how noble minded, to invest an outside entity with authority over community affairs.1 The clearest expression of Arkansans' longstanding desire for local control can be seen in the 1874 state constitution, which has been described by one scholar of Arkansas politics as \"specifically designed to protect citizens from possible oppression by their own state government.\" \"Pervasive distrust of government,\" Diane Blair said, \"is expressed in almost every section of the 1874 document.\"2 The document, for example, sharply limited the governor's power to appoint officials and allowed his vetoes to be overridden by a simple majority, while rendering the legislature a part-time institution with strictly limited taxing authority. With a constitution that marginalized state government, power and influence fell to local elites who wielded a significant amount of control over elected officials at the local and state levels.3 That Arkansans proved particularly stubborn in their adherence to localistic republicanism is suggested by the fact that Arkansas remained one of the few states without a statewide law enforcement agency in January 1935. Tracing the repeated efforts to create a state police force shows just how deep this ideology ran, even though such a body, like many other Progressive-era agencies, had the potential to provide numerous benefits for the state's residents. The ultimate success of the state police movement, therefore, represented a significant turning point, both symbolic and actual, in Arkansans' understanding of state government and its role in their daily lives. As 1935 dawned, few obvious signs existed that Arkansans' suspicion of a statewide police force would be overcome, especially considering the dire financial straits in which many of the state's residents found themselves. Arkansas had never been a rich state and the decline of cotton prices in the 192Os coupled with the advent of the Great Depression in 1929 led to economic and social disaster by the early 1930s. The outlook for impoverished Arkansans darkened even further in late 1934 when the Federal Emergency Relief Administration threatened to cut off all federal assistance to more than 400,000 people within the state unless the legislature committed $1.5 million in matching funds by March 1935.4 While resolving the state's financial crisis and locating matching funds were","PeriodicalId":51953,"journal":{"name":"ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"64 1","pages":"353"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/40023349","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68704721","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"\"A Study in Second Class Citizenship\": Race, Urban Development, and Little Rock's Gillam Park, 1934-2004","authors":"J. A. Kirk","doi":"10.2307/40028048","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/40028048","url":null,"abstract":"HISTORIANS AND THE WIDER PUBLIC often view the civil rights movement primarily as a struggle for black freedom and equality unfolding between the mid-1950s and mid-1960s and led by Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. This King-centered narrative begins with such seminal events as the U.S. Supreme Court's 1954 Brown v. Board of Education school desegregation ruling and the 1955-56 Montgomery bus boycott, which, along with the subsequent formation of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), propelled King into a national leadership position. It takes in landmark events that include the 1957 Little Rock crisis, the 1960 lunch-counter sit-in movement and the formation of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), the 1961 Freedom Rides launched by the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), the 1963 March on Washington, the 1964 Mississippi Freedom Summer, and various community-based campaigns run by King and the SCLC, most notably in Birmingham (1963) and Selma (1965). The narrative culminates in the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which ended segregation in public facilities and accommodations, and the 1965 Voting Rights Act, which removed obstacles to the black franchise in some southern states and provided active federal assistance to many southern black voters.1 While these achievements are important and quite rightly celebrated, this narrative tends to highlight the movement's successes and downplay its limitations and failures. Community studies have deepened our understanding of civil rights activism at local and state levels, exploring the origins of the movement prior to the 1950s and its legacies beyond the 1960s. But such studies often mirror the national civil rights narrative by focusing on the same principal issues of desegregation and voting rights.2 A different approach by urban historians has offered an important challenge to the way that we conceptualize the civil rights movement. Studies by Thomas Sugrue, Arnold Hirsch, and others, have explored the role of race and urban development in cities across the United States.3 In doing so, they have shifted the focus of historians from the short-term battles for desegregation and voting rights to the longer-term structural issues of urban planning and neighborhood development. This shift has in turn forced attention both on areas in which the civil rights movement failed to have a decisive impact and to relatively neglected episodes within the civil rights canon. These include, for example, Martin Luther King, Jr. and the SCLC's 1965-66 Chicago campaign, which failed in its bid to win \"open housing\" for blacks in that northern city, and the failure of a 1966 civil rights bill that contained fair housing proposals.4 Studies by urban historians suggest that to understand the wider implications of the civil rights struggle we need to broaden our focus beyond what have been traditionally perceived as the key issues and to pay more attention to those areas where the move","PeriodicalId":51953,"journal":{"name":"ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"64 1","pages":"262"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/40028048","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68724008","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Radio and the Struggle for Civil Rights in the South","authors":"H. Jeffries, Brian Ward","doi":"10.2307/27649462","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/27649462","url":null,"abstract":"Radio and the Struggle for Civil Rights in the South. By Brian Ward. (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2004. Pp. xiv, 437. Foreword by John David Smith, acknowledgements, abbreviations, introduction, illustrations, notes, bibliography, index. $39.95.) At the height of the civil rights movement, radio, more so than television or print media, served as African Americans' main source of news and entertainment. Scholars, however, have generally overlooked this essential element of African-American life. Brian Ward, in Radio and the Struggle for Civil Rights in the South, fills this significant gap in the historiography of the civil rights movement with a richly detailed analysis of the role radio played in the black freedom struggle during the middle decades of the twentieth century. Ward's book is divided into three chronological parts. In part one, he examines the ways national civil rights organizations, namely the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and the National Urban League, attempted to use radio between 1930 and 1960 to rally white support for the fight against Jim Crow. He also looks at efforts by white organizations, specifically the Commission on Interracial Cooperation and the Southern Regional Council, to better race relations through racially progressive programs. Ward's exhaustive research makes clear that the programs that these groups sponsored challenged racial stereotypes and social norms. His claim that these programs \"helped to change the nation's attitudes toward African Americans and southern racial practices,\" however, is less than convincing given the near total refusal of southern radio stations to air them and the enduring indifference to problems confronting African Americans in places where these programs were broadcast (p. 22). Also, while the effort of civil rights organizations to win airtime for black programs is both important and fascinating, to say that it was \"foundational\" for black protest, as does Ward, is a stretch in light of the fact that those who participated in the bus boycotts of the 1950s and the students who ignited the direct action protests of the 1960s were unlikely to have heard many, if any, of these broadcasts. Part one, therefore, tells us less about the origins of the civil rights movement than Ward maintains. Part two considers how civil rights groups, individual activists, and sympathetic broadcasters used radio to support and report on southern black activism during the peak years of the civil rights struggle. …","PeriodicalId":51953,"journal":{"name":"ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"64 1","pages":"338"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/27649462","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68440473","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Life with the Mountain Feds: The Civil War Reminiscences of William McDowell, 1st Arkansas Cavalry","authors":"J. L. Patrick, M. Price, W. McDowell","doi":"10.2307/40028049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/40028049","url":null,"abstract":"DURING THE CIVIL WAR, Arkansas contributed an estimated 60,000 soldiers to the Confederate States of America. Union sentiment remained strong in northwest Arkansas, however, and the state is also credited with sending approximately 10,000 men to the Federal army, constituting ten infantry regiments or battalions, four cavalry regiments, and two artillery batteries.1 The most famous of these unionist regiments was the 1st Arkansas Cavalry, an organization composed mostly of refugees from northwest Arkansas and southwest Missouri. Marcus LaRue Harrison, a thirty-two-year-old New Yorker and member of the 36th Illinois Infantry, was authorized to recruit the 1st Arkansas Cavalry in 1862. Commissioned a colonel, Harrison began organizing the regiment in June at Springfield, Missouri, and by October had raised the required twelve companies.2 During the unit's three-year existence, the \"Mountain Feds\" of the 1st Arkansas spent the majority of their time patrolling the region between Fayetteville, Arkansas, and Springfield as scouts for Federal forces.3 They also fought Confederate guerrilla bands and regular forces and actively protected pro-Union civilians. Despite being routed at the battle of Prairie Grove in December 1862, the troopers of the 1st Arkansas quickly recovered and, in the words of a recent historian of the guerrilla war in Arkansas, \"became the primary counter-guerrilla unit in the northern part of the state. \"4 Yet, apart from scattered official reports and a few other contemporary pieces of evidence, little is recorded of the activities of the 1st Arkansas. Fortunately for historians, Priv. William E. McDowell, a member of Company G, penned his recollections of army life for a small Missouri newspaper, the Crane Chronicle, in 1915 and 1916. In his nine letters to the Chronicle, McDowell did not attempt to write a comprehensive unit history but instead recalled certain incidents during his service with Union forces, first as a member of the Stone County (Missouri) Home Guards in 1861 and then as part of the 1st Arkansas from 1862 until 1865. Despite the selective and inevitably retrospective nature of McDowell's recollections, his short newspaper contributions provide details about the experience of an ordinary soldier in Arkansas and help capture the unique character of the Civil War in southwest Missouri and northwest Arkansas. One of twelve children, William E. McDowell was born on January 31, 1840, in Stone County, Missouri. His parents, Wiley and Margaret Williams McDowell, had moved to southwest Missouri from Kentucky in 1838. They began farming along Flat Creek, one mile northeast of the town of Cape Fair. In 1852, McDowell s mother died. Two years later, his father married a widow, Nancy Dennis, and moved to a farm near Galena. A staunch Democrat and well-known member of the community, Wiley lived on that farm until his death in 1875.5 As a young boy, McDowell worked on the family s Ozarks farms and in a sawmill. In spring 1861","PeriodicalId":51953,"journal":{"name":"ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"217 1","pages":"287"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/40028049","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68724090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Leaving the Land of Opportunity: Arkansas and the Great Migration","authors":"D. Holley","doi":"10.2307/40028047","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/40028047","url":null,"abstract":"BETWEEN 1930 AND 1970, almost fifteen million Americans left their homes and farms to seek new opportunities in other states, one of the largest population movements in American history.1 When popular literature and television documentaries describe this migration, the story usually involves black migrants who ride the Illinois Central out of the Mississippi Delta in a desperate escape from the malevolent effects of the mechanical cotton picker.2 Yet this population movement involved more white migrants than black, and they headed to destinations all over the country. These migrants were searching for better jobs rather than fleeing mechanization. Arkansas's role in the Great Migration has been a closely guarded secret, or just ignored. Perhaps because migrants made a statement about Arkansas that is unsettling, most Arkansas historians have paid little attention to their leaving, though the migration was the largest domestic event of World-War-II-era and postwar Arkansas. C. Calvin Smith's study of Arkansas during World War II focuses on economic hardship and injustice and criticizes the failure of the state government to address these issues. By neglecting to mention migration, he ignores what people themselves did to better their lives. For all its encyclopedic coverage, Michael Dougan's Arkansas Odyssey makes only casual references to migration and twentiethcentury population changes. The textbook Arkansas: A Narrative History, by Jeannie Whayne, Thomas DeBlack, George Sabo, and Morris Arnold, does not even include the terms \"migration\" or \"population\" in the index, surely an indication of perceived lack of importance.3 Other historians have treated migration at somewhat greater length. S. Charles Bolton has, in an essay, briefly commented on population losses during World War II and their effect on the state's economic development. In Arkansas in Modern America, Ben Johnson declares, \"The state's most dramatic net loss was its people,\" thereby placing migration more firmly within the framework of Arkansas history. Brooks Blevins's Hill Folks presents a valuable discussion of migration both into and out of the Arkansas Ozarks, showing how population changes shaped the region.4 Yet we still lack a comprehensive treatment of migration's impact on the state as a whole. Migration represents one of the most enduring forces shaping Arkansas history. Pioneers emigrating mostly from Tennessee, Alabama, and Georgia settled the state in the first half of the nineteenth century.5 After the Civil War, Arkansas continued to gain population from in-migration. The state government, planters, and railroads encouraged settlement during this period, soliciting people from as far away as China, Germany, and Italy.6 Unfortunately, good land soon ran out, leaving many of the state's rural areas overpopulated in relation to arable soil. The earliest out-migration, beginning in the 1890s, was in part a response to this fundamental problem. Population losses continu","PeriodicalId":51953,"journal":{"name":"ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"64 1","pages":"245"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/40028047","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68723965","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Rough Justice: Lynching and American Society, 1847-1947","authors":"Vincent Vinikas, Michael J. Pfeifer","doi":"10.2307/40028060","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/40028060","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51953,"journal":{"name":"ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"64 1","pages":"337"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/40028060","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68724572","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Bearing Witness: Memories of Arkansas Slavery Narratives from the 1930s WPA Collections","authors":"G. Lankford","doi":"10.2307/40031062","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/40031062","url":null,"abstract":"No one knew the truths of slavery better than the slaves themselves, but no one consulted them until the 1930s. Then, recognizing that this generation of unique witnesses would soon be lost to history, the Works Progress Administration's Federal Writers' Project acted to interview as many former slaves as possible. In a continuation of the project's interest in the life histories of ordinary people, writers interviewed over two thousand former slaves, over a third of them in Arkansas. These oral histories were first published in the 1970s in a thirty-nine-volume series organized by state, and they transformed America's understanding of slavery. They have offered crucial evidence on a variety of other topics as well: the Civil War, Reconstruction, agricultural practices, everyday life, and oral history itself. But some former Arkansas slaves were interviewed in Texas, Oklahoma, and other states, so their narratives were published in those other collections. And more than half of the testimonies in the Arkansas volume were interviews with people who had moved to Arkansas after freedom. Folklorist George Lankford combed all of the state collections for the testimonies properly belonging to Arkansas and deleted from this state's collection the testimony of later migrants. This new collection brings together all 176 of the Arkansas slave narratives for the first time. Lankford's introduction describes how the Arkansas Writer's Project worked. He also evaluates how twenty-first-century readers might encounter the 1930s of interviews and the 1860s of memories. Challenges include the facts that the interviews were transcribed in dialect and that the circumstances of the interviews, includingthe race of the interviewers, might have shaped testimonies. Appendices include an alphabetical index of the former slaves and a list matching interviewers with narrators, noting the race of the interviewers.","PeriodicalId":51953,"journal":{"name":"ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"64 1","pages":"214"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/40031062","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68735571","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"U. M. Rose: Arkansas Attorney","authors":"Allen W. Bird","doi":"10.2307/40031058","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/40031058","url":null,"abstract":"LIKE EVERY STATE, ARKANSAS is represented by two figures in Statuary Hall at the U.S. Capitol. One is a statue of U. M. Rose. Perhaps best known in modern times as the namesake of a Little Rock law firm that by the 1990s had become nationally famous, Rose was recognized by his contemporaries as one of Arkansas's greatest lawyers. His career placed him at the center of key political and legal developments from the Civil War well into the Progressive Era. Uriah Milton Rose's ancestors hailed from Virginia, where Rose's father, Joseph Rose, was born. But upon receiving his medical degree, Dr. Rose moved to Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, and established a practice. While there, Dr. Rose invested in a glass company that failed, leaving the family deeply in debt. His father's struggle to pay that debt over the next twenty-five years left a great impression on U. M. Rose, who recalled, \"My earliest recollections are painfully connected with that terrible debt, the skeleton in the family closet.\"1 Dr. Rose moved to Kentucky in 1824, acquired a 400-acre farm near Bradfordsville, and, a few years later, met and married Nancy Simpson. U. M. Rose remembered his mother as \"a very domestic woman, of delicate constitution, but of untiring energy, and a most affectionate wife and mother.\"2 Rose was born on the farm in Bradfordsville, the third son (and the fifth child of his father), on March 5, 1834. Dr. Rose, a member of the Christian Church, then known as \"Campbellites,\" and preoccupied with the Old Testament, named his son for the prophet Uriah. U. M. Rose disliked the name intensely and never used his full name when he could avoid it. Life changed dramatically for U. M. Rose when his mother died in 1848. His father quickly sank into depression and died the following April. The home place then went into the hands of an administrator, and the children were thrown out. Rose found work and a place to stay in the village store but soon realized that with his hours extending late into the night he had no time for education. He took work as a field hand for board and five dollars a month. Years later, in an address to graduates of the University of Arkansas, he reminisced: I can bring those days back to my mind with a good deal of clearness, and can remember that, with all the elasticity that belongs to youth, I spent in them a good many sad and despondent hours. My father and mother, upon whom I might have relied for assistance and advice, had died long before. I had neither wealth nor influential friends, nor any of those aids that smooth one's way towards success in life .... Every man and woman and child needs a home, a place of refuge, something to fall back on for new strength in case of misfortune or temporary defeat.... This I had not.3 After struggling several years, Rose hit upon a bit of luck. Rutherford Harrison Roundtree, an attorney traveling through the area (whom Rose later described as an \"eminent, very intelligent and kindhearted lawyer\"), called on h","PeriodicalId":51953,"journal":{"name":"ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"64 1","pages":"171"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/40031058","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68735688","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}