ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY最新文献_第8页

Elizabeth Fulton Wright: A Capital Woman 伊丽莎白·富尔顿·赖特:一位杰出的女性

ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Pub Date : 2006-07-01 DOI: 10.2307/40038294

L. Baker

{"title":"Elizabeth Fulton Wright: A Capital Woman","authors":"L. Baker","doi":"10.2307/40038294","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/40038294","url":null,"abstract":"ELIZABETH FULTON WRIGHT'S SURVIVING LETTERS to family members and friends begin while she was attending boarding school in Washington, D.C. Her father, William Savin Fulton, was then serving as one of Arkansas's first pair of U.S. senators. The correspondence shows young Elizabeth Fulton regulating her behavior-and having her behavior regulated-in accordance with prevailing notions of domesticity. Later in life, she distinguished herself as a well-respected and prominent member of Little Rock society. But even as she assumed less traditional roles as a property manager and author in the wake of her husband's death and the abolition of slavery, the activities by which she made a public imprint remained firmly rooted within the sphere of the home. Born in an era in which white women in America were expected to embody what Barbara Welter has termed the four cardinal virtues of piety, purity, domesticity, and submissiveness, Elizabeth Fulton Wright matured during a turbulent period of Arkansas history. Over the course of her life, civil war, new realities associated with domestic work, a shift away from the slave economy, unsettled political activity, expanding educational opportunities, and changing self-images altered the established roles of women in the United States and Arkansas. Her experience reflected that of many in the state who maintained their role as \"true women\" and, at the same time, reconciled their actions, beliefs, and economic lives to a changing nineteenth-century America.1 In describing Elizabeth Fulton Wright in 1877 as an \"elegant and most accomplished lady, who devotedly loves the memory and fame of her honored father,\" a biographical dictionary noted also that \"she became at an early age thoroughly conversant with the exciting politics of Arkansas.\"2 Elizabeth Fulton was born in Florence, Alabama, in 1824, and grew up surrounded by a large circle of family, including her mother Matilda and several unmarried aunts. Her playmates were her younger sisters, Mary Jane and Sophy Caroline, as well as one brother, David Peregrine. Five more siblings (four sisters and one brother) were to follow after 1831. When she was five, Fulton migrated with her family to Arkansas. Her father had been appointed secretary to the territory of Arkansas by a family friend and political patron, President Andrew Jackson. In June 1829, a crowd of local citizens greeted William Fulton, \"his lady[,] and Children\" on their arrival in Little Rock. The children watched as Judge Benjamin Johnson of the Arkansas Superior Court administered the oath of office to their father. From this point on, Fulton's father would spend a great deal of time away from his growing family while looking after the official and commercial concerns of the territory of Arkansas. He frequently journeyed to Washington, D.C., to appear before the U.S. Supreme Court as a counselor arguing cases on behalf of Arkansas and served as acting governor in the absence of John Pope. As a result,","PeriodicalId":51953,"journal":{"name":"ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"55 1","pages":"138"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/40038294","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68755195","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The Cherokee Nation : a history 切罗基族:一段历史

ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Pub Date : 2006-07-01 DOI: 10.2307/27649239

R. Conley

引用次数: 35

Long on Nerve: An Interview with Ronnie Hawkins 《长期紧张:罗尼·霍金斯访谈》

ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Pub Date : 2006-07-01 DOI: 10.2307/40038292

Robert W. Cochran, Ronnie Hawkins

{"title":"Long on Nerve: An Interview with Ronnie Hawkins","authors":"Robert W. Cochran, Ronnie Hawkins","doi":"10.2307/40038292","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/40038292","url":null,"abstract":"THE INTERVIEW EXCERPTED HERE took place in October 2002 under bizarre circumstances. The interviewee, cancer in his pancreas, was assumed near death by himself, by his doctors, and by the archivists in Fayetteville who dispatched the interviewer to his digs in Canada. Ronnie Hawkins had been a prominent and flamboyant figure for a very long time. In on rock and roll's turbulent rockabilly beginnings in the 1950s and, as the '60s dawned, first boss of the combo that would become famous as the Band, he was still living large in the century's final decade, gracing Bill Clinton's 1993 inaugural with his august and raunchy presence. It was important, before the final bell, to record his impressions. Things turned out differently, however-humbling, once again and not for the last time, all who claim to know the shape of tomorrow. It's 2006 now, May 7 as this is written, more than three years have passed, and just yesterday, cancer mysteriously, miraculously gone, the man was holding forth at a Hawkins family reunion on the old family homeplace outside St. Paul in Madison County, Arkansas. Enthroned on a wooden bench under a hillside pavilion next to his cousin and fellow musician Dale Hawkins, the lovely Ozark Mountains looming preternaturally green in a light rain, he spun out once again his fabulous, ribald tale, cracking up the men and charming the women. And it was there, beneath the water's gentle patter, that the essential element in rock and roll fame suddenly flashed out again. He s over seventy now, but Hawkins still has a firm hold on what he knew before he was twenty-that one thing above all is expected of the leader of a rock and roll band: the incarnation of Dionysos, master of revels. Country songwriter Harlan Howard is credited with that genre s most succinct characterization-country music is three chords and the truth. Then Bono added the red guitar in U2's version of Bob Dylan's \"All Along the Watchtower\": \"All I've got is a red guitar, three chords, and the truth.\" But for Hawkins, as for Sonny Burgess, Billy Lee Riley, Jerry Lee Lewis, and the other rockabilly wild men, the red guitar (or piano) was often mostly a prop, and truth was nowhere to be seen, a notion of little interest. Hawkins called it \"that monkey act,\" did backflips on the stage, and moonwalked decades before Michael Jackson. Women charged the stage, so many that when he first hired a teenaged Robbie Robertson, Hawkins told him he couldn't pay much but promised he would get more girls than Frank Sinatra. As the decades passed, the outrages shifted their focus, even as the underlying persona remained unchanged. Where he once violated behavioral conventions, running whiskey and carousing with underage daughters of community pillars (\"they said it was an orgy but I called it eight or ten people in love \"), he turned in later years to the flaunting of conversational standards. In 2005, at an elegant party celebrating his honorary doctorate at Laurentian University in Onta","PeriodicalId":51953,"journal":{"name":"ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"65 1","pages":"99"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/40038292","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68754944","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

A whole country in commotion : the Louisiana Purchase and the American Southwest 整个国家陷入混乱:路易斯安那购地和美国西南部

ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Pub Date : 2006-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/27649171

D. Bruce, Patrick G. Williams, S. Charles Bolton, J. Whayne

引用次数: 5

Cooper V. Aaron: Incident and Consequence 库珀v亚伦:事件与后果

ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Pub Date : 2006-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/40028067

T. Freyer

{"title":"Cooper V. Aaron: Incident and Consequence","authors":"T. Freyer","doi":"10.2307/40028067","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/40028067","url":null,"abstract":"THE FOLLOWING ARTICLES PRESENT important new perspectives on the Little Rock school desegregation crisis. When Arkansas governor Orval E. Faubus, in the name of preserving order, directed the Arkansas National Guard to prevent nine black young people from entering Little Rock Central High School on September 2, 1957, he precipitated a constitutional crisis. Blocking a federal court order upholding the Little Rock School Board's attempted compliance with the U.S. Supreme Court's decisions of 1954 and 1955 in Brown v. Board of Education, Faubus placed the governor's police powers at odds with city authorities, President Dwight D. Eisenhower, and the Supreme Court itself. Yet the constitutional issues engendered by Faubus's actions remained abstract to most people except for legal experts. At the time and ever since, it was the practical consequences that garnered public attention: the consequences for the school board's good-faith effort to implement the token desegregation of a single city school in the face of growing hostility on the part of the white community, for Faubus's purported political ambitions, for the Eisenhower administration's inconsistent stance on the Brown decision even as it wrestled with a Cold War propaganda battle over the same issue, for the authority of the Supreme Court as it confronted mounting opposition from southern segregationists and their northern conservative sympathizers, and, above all, for the courageous Little Rock Nine, bearing the painful assaults of racial animosity. The three essays that follow suggest how the litigation culminating in Cooper v. Aaron shaped these consequences and their ramifications for decades to come. The Cooper v. Aaron litigation went through several stages. The Supreme Court's Brown decision of 1954, holding that racially segregated public schools were inherently unequal and therefore violated the Fourteenth Amendment's equal protection clause, precipitated the Little Rock School Board's efforts to comply. Shortly before the Court handed down the 1955 Brown II order, which required desegregation plans to proceed \"with all deliberate speed\" but left their formulation to community school boards-subject to local federal court oversight-Little Rock school officials published a plan that opened only Little Rock Central High to token desegregation, maintained racial segregation at all other schools, and left unstated when those schools might be desegregated. Once the limited scope of desegregation became apparent, the Little Rock branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) rethought its earlier trust in the school board's good faith effort, and, in the name of black parents and children, initiated suit in 1956. Styled Aaron v. Cooper, the case was tried and decided during August 1956. The black litigants lost at trial and upon appeal in April 1957. As the summer unfolded and the nine black students prepared to enter Central, Faubus and city school offic","PeriodicalId":51953,"journal":{"name":"ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"261 1","pages":"1"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/40028067","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68724801","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 2

The Third Little Rock Crisis 第三次小石城危机

ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Pub Date : 2006-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/40028070

Robert L Brown

{"title":"The Third Little Rock Crisis","authors":"Robert L Brown","doi":"10.2307/40028070","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/40028070","url":null,"abstract":"IN SEPTEMBER 1958, I was poised to enter my senior year at Hall High School in Little Rock. My sophomore year of 1956-57 had been spent at the famous Central High School. That was the year before the Little Rock Nine were admitted to Central High and federal troops were deployed to enforce the Brown decisions.1 During the year of the Little Rock Nine, which was the 1957-58 school year, I attended Hall, the new all-white high school in Little Rock. Hall had been built in the affluent part of the city. There were no black students enrolled that year as there were in Central. This, in itself, was a significant bone of contention with some Central High parents. Nor were there white students enrolled at the newly constructed all-black high school, Horace Mann. As I waited into the second week of September 1958 for the school year to begin, it dawned on my parents that the three Little Rock high schools would not open that school year. On August 28, 1958, the Little Rock School Board had argued in favor of a two-and-a-half-year delay in implementing the Brown decisions before the U.S. Supreme Court in the case of Cooper v. Aaron. Judith Kilpatrick and Elizabeth Jacoway have discussed this case in more depth. Suffice it to say that the Supreme Court refused to delay desegregation in Little Rock and ordered it to proceed forthwith.2 Arkansas's governor, Orval Faubus, had called the General Assembly into special session to enact a package of legislation to thwart integration. One bill authorized the governor to close any school where integration had been ordered.3 After the court's decision in Cooper v. Aaron was announced, Faubus signed the act authorizing him to close public schools affected by integration, and he shut down the Little Rock high schools by proclamation on September 12, 1958. A special election of the voters of the Little Rock School District subsequently affirmed his actions. As a result, a generation of Little Rock students was put \"at sea,\" struggling to determine how and where we could pursue our secondary education. My class became known as the \"Lost Class of '59.\" It was not until the spring of 1959 that certain leaders of the Little Rock business community moved into high gear. Little Rock had received an international black eye because of the crisis, and business development and city growth were at a standstill. These business leaders and a group of extraordinarily brave women known as the Women's Emergency Committee to Open Our Schools worked diligently to reopen schools and correct the situation. They were successful in ousting segregationist members of the school board and retaining moderate school board members.4 The result was that the high schools reopened in August 1959, with both Hall and Central admitting black students. The crisis at Central and the crisis of the \"lost year\" had passed. But were the crises over? In 1965, black parents of the Little Rock School District filed suit in federal district court contending that","PeriodicalId":51953,"journal":{"name":"ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"65 1","pages":"39"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/40028070","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68724829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 4

Richard C. Butler and the Little Rock School Board: The Quest to Maintain "Educational Quality" Richard C. Butler和小石城学校董事会:保持“教育质量”的追求

ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Pub Date : 2006-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/40028069

Elizabeth Jacoway

{"title":"Richard C. Butler and the Little Rock School Board: The Quest to Maintain \"Educational Quality\"","authors":"Elizabeth Jacoway","doi":"10.2307/40028069","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/40028069","url":null,"abstract":"IN MAY 1954, just a few days after the announcement of the Brown decision demanding the abolition of segregation in public education, the Little Rock School Board publicly declared its intention to comply. One year later, a week before the U.S. Supreme Court handed down its guidelines for enforcement in Brown II, Little Rock school superintendent Virgil T. Blossom unveiled his voluntary Phase Program for school desegregation, calling for a gradual approach to integration beginning at the high school level. As actually implemented, the Blossom Plan became a minimal as well as a gradual program that was designed to preserve \"educational quality\" while it accommodated the demands of the new court directive.1 As one member of the Little Rock School Board recalled years later, \"We didn't set out to integrate the schools, we set out to continue education during the integration process, and we were much more interested in the education process than we were in integration.\"2 As Blossom explained in his memoir, \"Our purpose was to comply with the law in a manner that would be accepted locally, not to wreck the school system.\"3 The Little Rock chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) had developed a growing distrust of Virgil Blossom in the year between the announcements of Brown I and Brown II. The superintendent had indicated in the fall of 1954 that integration would be complete, and that it would be carried out in a timely manner involving children at all grade levels. But after months of meetings with alarmed white parents, Blossom revised his plan in May 1955, calling for integration at Central High School only. He then proposed to extend desegregation down into the lower grades according to a vague, nonspecific timetable. Finally despairing of receiving fair treatment, the local branch of the NAACP eschewed the advice of its national organization and in February of 1956 filed suit in federal district court against the Little Rock School Board in a case styled Aaron v. Cooper. At that point, the superintendent engaged five attorneys to defend his plan. Richard C. Butler, one of the city's social and civic leaders and a great admirer of Virgil Blossom, acceded to the superintendent's urgent request that he join the legal \"brain trust.\" Over the next two years, Butler worked closely with Blossom in deciding how to respond to the growing opposition to desegregation in Little Rock.4 Joining longtime school board attorney Archie House, Butler and the others argued successfully before federal judge John Miller, a former United States senator from Arkansas, that their clients had made a \"prompt and reasonable start\" toward desegregation and that they should be allowed to proceed along the deliberate course they had charted. Although he ruled in the school board's favor, Judge Miller nonetheless retained jurisdiction in the case as well as setting a deadline of September 1957 for implementation of the Blossom Plan.5 A","PeriodicalId":51953,"journal":{"name":"ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"65 1","pages":"23"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/40028069","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68725207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 2

African-American Legislators in the Arkansas General Assembly, 1868-1893 阿肯色州议会中的非裔美国议员，1868-1893

ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Pub Date : 2006-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/40028092

Blake Wintory

引用次数: 4

The Fight for School Consolidation in Arkansas, 1946-1948 阿肯色州争取学校合并的斗争，1946-1948

ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Pub Date : 2006-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/40028071

Calvin R. Ledbetter

{"title":"The Fight for School Consolidation in Arkansas, 1946-1948","authors":"Calvin R. Ledbetter","doi":"10.2307/40028071","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/40028071","url":null,"abstract":"FORCED CONSOLIDATION OF SCHOOL DISTRICTS has often been looked upon as the third rail of Arkansas politics: one approaches the subject with considerable caution so as to avoid political electrocution. This issue was again placed on the public agenda, at least indirectly, by an Arkansas Supreme Court decision in November 2002, which held that the state's funding of public schools did not provide children with the \"general, suitable, and efficient\" educational system mandated by the Arkansas Constitution. Although the Lake View opinion did not require school consolidation, this method had been proposed in the past to help the state achieve a suitable and efficient system.1 The Lake View decision's broad scope seemed to require major changes in policy, utilizing a variety of innovative plans and techniques. Gov. Mike Huckabee in a \"state of the state\" address to the Arkansas General Assembly on January 14, 2003, offered a bold plan to help satisfy the requirements of Lake View. Huckabee proposed that Arkansas school districts with less than 1,500 students merge with bigger districts. He especially stressed that larger high schools could offer a richer curriculum.2 This proposal aroused great controversy, which remained at fever pitch for the next year. After heated discussions, many downward revisions of the threshold for consolidation, and frequent compromises that often unraveled, the General Assembly passed a bill that required consolidation of districts with fewer than 350 students rather than 1,500. Under the measure, the number of school districts in the state was expected to drop from 310 to 254. A companion bill changed the state's school funding formula and increased expenditures for public education.3 While Huckabee's effort accomplished limited consolidation, a similar attempt in 1966 had been completely annihilated. The trigger for consolidation proposed then was 400 students, and voters rejected the measure by a landslide vote of 115,452 (26.41 percent) in favor and 321,733 (73.59 percent) against.4 Orval Faubus, governor of Arkansas at the time, opposed the measure as did the two major gubernatorial candidates in that year's general election, Jim Johnson and Winthrop Rockefeller. Despite endorsement by the Arkansas Gazette, the proposed consolidation legislation was even defeated in Pulaski County, where 61 percent of the voters opposed the measure.5 Given the automatically hostile response to any attempt at consolidation in Arkansas, it might seem astonishing that the state's voters in 1948 passed a comprehensive school consolidation act requiring the dissolution of all school districts with fewer than 350 students. Initiated Act 1 was approved in the absence of any court order and with virtually no newspaper advertising, the main method by which campaigns were conducted at that time. And it passed despite the defeat of a very similar proposal just two years earlier. What relevance, if any, does this episode hold for the present? Scho","PeriodicalId":51953,"journal":{"name":"ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"65 1","pages":"45"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/40028071","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68724996","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 3

Arkansas Listings in the National Register of Historic Places 阿肯色州国家历史遗迹名录

ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY Pub Date : 2006-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/40031081

E. A. James

{"title":"Arkansas Listings in the National Register of Historic Places","authors":"E. A. James","doi":"10.2307/40031081","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/40031081","url":null,"abstract":"Edward Durrell Stone Buildings IN 1916, A FAYETTEVILLE LUMBER COMPANY challenged local boys to design birdhouses. The prestigious competition had the president of the University of Arkansas as one of its judges. Fourteen-year-old Edward Durrell Stone won first prize: $2.50. To create a bluebird house, he sheeted a wooden box in sassafras branches cut in half to look like logs. In his autobiography, he described the small cash prize and local recognition as his \"undoing,\" immediately hooking him on a career in design. He followed in the footsteps of his older brother, Hicks, a practicing architect in Boston. Today, Edward Durrell Stone is widely regarded as one of the greatest American architects of the mid-twentieth century. He left Arkansas early in his career but returned intermittently and even had a satellite office in northwest Arkansas from 1955 to 1959 to help him execute commissions in the state. Stone attended the art school at the University of Arkansas from 1920 until 1923 before heading to Boston to join his brother and begin his formal training in architecture. He started at the Boston Architectural Club, then went to Harvard after winning a 1926 competition that awarded him a year's tuition. He later transferred to Massachusetts Institute of Technology because a professor there, Jacques Carlu, was experimenting with modern designs that interested Stone. In 1927, Stone won a prestigious Rotch award to travel to Europe for two years. In the course of his travels, he became more enamored of modern design after having seen and studied the works of modernist innovators Ee Corbusier and Eudwig Mies van der Rohe. Returning to the United States in 1929, Stone began his professional career. He did his earliest work as a paid architect in the employ of larger architectural firms. He worked on the Waldorf-Astoria hotel and Radio City Music Hall in New York but did not fully display his talents until receiving and designing his first private commission, the Mandel House in Westchester County, New York, in 1933. With the Mandel House, Stone made a name for himself for having designed and built one of the earliest International-style residences in the United States. While the work of Rudolf Schindler and Richard Neutra had appeared in the Los Angeles area as early as 1928, the Mandel House helped introduce the style to the East Coast, where it became increasingly popular in the 1930s. Stone's work in the International style was well received, and he built many houses in the northeast. However, as public opinion became more favorable toward the style in the late 1940s, Stone began to pull himself away from it. Edward Durrell Stone visited Frank Eloyd Wright's Taliesin in Wisconsin in the 1940s. His encounters with Wright's work began to alter his design philosophies. He began to feel that buildings executed in the International style left something to be desired. They were \"too sparse, too arid, too cold.\" Wright had found something that the Inter","PeriodicalId":51953,"journal":{"name":"ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"65 1","pages":"294"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/40031081","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68735437","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0