Southeast European and Black Sea Studies最新文献

{"title":"Policy diffusion in unlikely places: between emulation and coercion in northern Cyprus","authors":"İbrahim Ayberk, Direnç Kanol, Nur Köprülü","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2023.2285233","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2285233","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"197 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2023-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139246262","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Counterterrorism as a boundary-producing practice: Turkey’s war on the PKK in the 1980s","authors":"Tuncer Beyribey","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2023.2281035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2281035","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis article aims to demonstrate how counterterrorism tactics abnormalize particular geographic areas by subjectifying communities as elements of this milieu to regulate and control the movements of ‘terrorists.’ Borrowing from Ashley and Campbell, this aspect of counterterrorism calls for it to be viewed as a ‘boundary-producing’ practice. Through a close examination of the Turkish Grand National Assembly Proceedings Journal, which documents parliamentary debates on the Turkish War on Terror in the 1980s, this article discusses how the Southeastern Anatolia Region, where a significant Kurdish population lives, is abnormalized as an unfriendly, bordering, and uncivilized space. As a result, violent acts and policies of the state, such as cross-border operations, mass deportations, and restrictions on civil liberties in the name of developmentalism, have been institutionalized, redrawing the boundaries between the Region and the rest of the country.KEYWORDS: TerrorismTurkeysubjectificationboundaryPKK AcknowledgementsThe author wishes to thank the editors and reviewers for their constructive feedback and insightful suggestions.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Supplemental dataSupplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2281035.Notes1. According to the statistics provided by Jacoby (Citation2004, 143–144), ‘within the first seven months of military rule, 122,609 arrests (more than 10,000 in the first week) were made. By the end of January 1981, 215 people had died, 108 had been sentenced to death.’ Among the detainees between September 1980 and February 1983, ‘the government classified 54% as leftists, 25% as unknown, 14% as rightists and 7% as Kurdish separatists’.2. Some of the militants went on hunger strikes while they were detained in protest of the prison administration’s repressive policies. Even a few of them killed themselves. All of these ended up serving as symbols for the Kurdish movement (Kutschera Citation1994).3. Intellectuals’ Hearths was established in 1970 by several nationalist intellectuals and politicians. For the earlier discussions on integration of Turkishness and Islam in the nationalist and Islamist circles, see Çetinsaya (Citation1999).4. Turkish-Islamic Synthesis was created as a reaction to the ‘secular’ nationalist account of Turkish history that was presented in accordance with the Turkish History Thesis and extolled the glory of pre-Ottoman Turkish history. In order to reduce the political influence of Islam and state control over it in the socio-political spheres as part of secularization initiatives, Turkish history was extended to the pre-Islamic past. For more detail, see Coşar (Citation2012).5. One of the catchphrases used by the MHP circles was ‘we are as Turkish as Mount Tanri and as Muslim as Mount Hira’6. As it was recalled by Toprak (Citation2005), it was stated by Agah Oktay Güner, the vice-chairma","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"49 8","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136348178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The populist framing of the Russia-Ukraine war by the Hungarian government: convergence or contestation in the EU","authors":"Melek Aylin Özoflu, Krisztina Arató","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2023.2273022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2273022","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis study examines how the Hungarian government frames the Russia-Ukraine War within the context of its relations with the European Union (EU) using discourse historical strand of critical discourse analysis (CDA). This study will also answer how the Hungarian government presents its own policy choices as if the will of the people in its dealings with the EU. The study will conduct an extensive qualitative frame analysis of political discourses produced by Hungarian government officials. Through this analysis, the current study contributes to the literature empirically and advances the debates revolving around crises leading to contestation between the EU and its member states. The performed analysis demonstrates that the war is communicated mainly through the ‘Hungarian (government) lenses’ of national security concerns and national economic interests, both constructed upon nationalist sentiments coupled with populist overtones, leading Hungary to contest the EU’s decisions and norms.KEYWORDS: EUHungaryRussia-Ukraine warpopulismcritical discourse analysis AcknowledgegmentsWe are grateful to editors, Ioannis N. Grigoriadis and Ümit Erol Aras as well as the guest editors of the special issue, Ali Onur Özçelik, Kadri Kaan Renda and Anthony Costello for their unwavering support throughout the publication process. We also would like to thank anonymous reviewers and editors for their extensive comments and suggestions. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Jean Monnet Networking Project known as “Linking to Europe at the Periphery” (LEAP) Conference of ‘Contesting Europe at the Periphery’ (Eskişehir, 2022). We extend our gratitude to the discussants and participants of the conference for their feedback.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationNotes on contributorsMelek Aylin ÖzofluMelek Aylin Özoflu is a PhD.Research Fellow at Özyeğin University, Department of International Relations in İstanbul, Türkiye. She also conducts post-doctoral research at ELTE University, Faculty of Law, Institute of Political Science in Budapest,Hungary. She earned her PhD in Political Science and International Relations from Corvinus University of Budapest, Hungary with summa cum laude distinction by defending her dissertation entitled “Discursive Construction of the European Identity in Germany during the Euro and Refugee Crises of the EU” in April 2023. She holds an MSc in European studies from the Middle East Technical University, Ankara Turkey. Her main research areas focus on critical discourse analysis, identity politics, European identity, European politics and EU crises.She has various articles published and in the press in these fields. Her recent publication “Construction of European Identity by the Pro-European Parties” has been published by the SSCI-indexed Journal of International Relations/vol. 19,no. 74.Krisztina AratóKrisztina Arató is a full professor and director a","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":" 8","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135241369","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Being small in a large club: unpacking Armenia’s actorness in the Eurasian Economic union","authors":"Erik Davtyan","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2023.2273495","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2273495","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis article examines Armenia’s agency in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). It argues that, despite being the smallest member and facing huge power asymmetry inside the organization, Armenia has been able to influence the decision-making in the EAEU in numerous ways. The research will examine three different strategies Armenia used to protect its interests: a) instrumentalizing the opportunities emanating from the institutional settings of the organization, b) negotiating exemptions from the EAEU legislation and securing core interests in the external relations of the union, and c) promoting specific ideas with the purpose of tailoring EAEU’s policy in a particular field to its economic needs.KEYWORDS: ArmeniaEurasian Economic Unionsmall statesdecision-makingintegration Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. The second reading of the amendment is pending, as of writing.2. To compare, the EAEU granted Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan 200 and 3500 exemptions, respectively (as cited in Dragneva and Wolczuk Citation2017, 22).3. In addition to Serbia and Iran, the EAEU membership provided Armenia with a more favourable access to major East and South-East Asian economies: the EAEU concluded FTAs with Singapore and Vietnam and the Agreement on Trade and Economic Cooperation with China (Eurasian Economic Commission Citation2023c, 3, 6–7).Additional informationFundingThe first phase of the research was conducted at the Center for Eastern European Studies at the University of Zurich as part of the fellowship program funded by the University of Zurich and the Federal Department of Foreign Affairs (FDFA) of Switzerland.Notes on contributorsErik DavtyanErik Davtyan is an Assistant Professor in the Department of International Relations and Diplomacy at Yerevan State University. His research interests include small state studies, regional politics in the South Caucasus, theories of international relations and foreign policy analysis. His articles have been published in peer-reviewed journals such as Caucasus Survey and Problems of Post-Communism.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":" 4","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135243974","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Turkey’s proactive contestation of EU sanctions against Russia: European normative order vs. geopolitical realities","authors":"Kadri Kaan Renda, Ali Onur Özçelik, Hüsrev Tabak","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2023.2273021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2273021","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis article offers a critical discussion of third-country access to normative contestation within the European normative order. It empirically examines the external contestation of the EU’s recent sanctions policy directed towards Russia by Turkey, a candidate state, and elaborates on the context in which Turkey contested and renegotiated the normative validity of the EU’s sanction policy. The study empirically suggests that Turkey, while behaviourally practising non-compliance, accessed the European normative order and negotiated the normativity of its non-alignment. In the making of this proactive contestation, the normativity of the country’s positions and the invalidity of the sanctions policy have been widely negotiated in domestic politics by the political elites. Eventually, Turkey, against the EU’s expectations from a candidate state, turned the normative monologue on the sanctions into a multilogue of legitimate normative differences on the validity claims of a united action.KEYWORDS: European UnionRussia-Ukraine warTurkeysanctionscontestation AcknowledgementsWe would like to thank the two anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments and suggestions.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. The comprehensive historical record of the relationship between Türkiye and the EU cannot be fully articulated in this article, given its limited length and scope; for the extensive historical record of the bilateral relationship, see Nas and Özer (Citation2016); Reiners and Turhan (Citation2021).2. A private Turkish defence company specializing in unmanned aerial vehicles, known for its close relations with President Erdoğan and the Justice and Development Party.3. One must note that all arms trade has to be confirmed by the Turkish Ministry of National Defence (Official Gazette Citation2022).Additional informationFundingThis research received no specific grant.Notes on contributorsKadri Kaan RendaKadri Kaan Renda is an assistant professor in the Department of International Relations at Hacettepe University, Ankara. Renda holds a PhD in European and International Studies from Kings College London. He received his master’s degree in European Studies from the University of Essex. He has been giving lectures on Turkish foreign policy, the European Union, and Research Methods at Hacettepe University. His research interests are Turkish foreign policy, the common foreign and security policy of the EU, and security studies.Ali Onur ÖzçelikAli Onur Özçelik is an associate professor and a full-time lecturer in the Department of International Relations at Eskisehir Osmangazi University. He gained his PhD in the Department of Politics at the University of Sheffield. His research interests involve the politics of non-state actors, transnational social movements, diplomacy for non-state actors and states with limited recognition, and the EU’s Neighbourhood Policy. He is a co-editor of two books: ‘The W","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"48 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135461375","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Battle for the European Union in the periphery: contestation dynamics and domestic debates","authors":"Ali Onur Özçelіk, Kadri Kaan Renda, Anthony Costello","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2023.2273020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2273020","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTConnected by a shared endeavour to enhance understanding of the forces that shape contestation toward the EU in its peripheries and unprohibited in approach, this special section explores the concepts of contestation and periphery. Using various methodological approaches, the section showcases a series of overlapping and cross-cutting themes which contextually strengthen the phenomenon and experiences of contestation in peripheral states. In aggregating these themes, the authors attribute contestation to the growing ‘absence’ of the EU’s normative interest in peripheral states and the growing transactional/functional features that define peripheral state relationships with the EU. The authors draw attention to the opportunities for regional rivals, such as Russia and China to capitalize on the absence of the EU’s transformative power in peripheral states, the role of domestic forces in utilizing contestation as a means to preserve regime type and satisfy sovereignty concerns, and the incidences of peripheral states in shaping/reshaping their foreign policy positions in response to the Russia-Ukraine War. Taken together, our special section shows that contestation in Europe’s periphery is less an overt normative resistance against the EU and more an absence of EU normative efforts in peripheral states and the increasingly functional features which define peripheral states’ relationships with the EU.KEYWORDS: European UnionEuropeanizationcontestationperiphery AcknowledgementsWe extend our gratitude to Başak Alpan, Senem Aydın Düzgit, Thomas Diez, and Simon Usherwood for their valuable contributions and insightful feedback during the preparation of this special section. Additionally, we would like to express our appreciation to Ioannis N. Grigoriadis and Ümit Erol Aras for their unwavering support throughout the publication process.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1. For the details about ‘the Linking to Europe at the Periphery Project’, please visit: https://www.leapjmnetwork.com/about2. Part of this aim was fulfilled by a workshop organized in Eskişehir on 15–16 October 2022 with the title of Contesting ‘Europe’ at the Periphery, for further details and the program, please visit: https://www.leapjmnetwork.com/activity/w3Additional informationNotes on contributorsAli Onur ÖzçelіkAli Onur Özçelik is an Associate Professor and a full-time Lecturer in the International Relations Department at Eskisehir Osmangazi University. After earning his Ph.D. in the Department of Politics at the University of Sheffield, he has focused his research on the politics of non-state actors, transnational social movements, diplomacy for non-state actors, and states with limited recognition, as well as the European Union’s Neighborhood Policy. He co-edited two books, namely “The World Community and the Arab Spring” (Palgrave) and “EU Conditionality in Turkey: When Does It Work? When Does It Fail?” (Rowman & Lit","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135461232","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Contestation but not Euroscepticism: economic and security concerns and the fear of losing national traditions in Georgia","authors":"Nino Javakhishvili, Nino Butsashvili","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2023.2269780","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2269780","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis paper examines the role of utilitarian, political, and cultural/identity-based factors of Euroscepticism on a nationwide representative sample of ethnic Georgians. Hierarchical multiple logistic regression showed that for ethnic Georgians, utilitarian factors are the strongest predictors of support for the EU integration, followed by cultural/identity and political variables, supporting the rational choice theory. These predictors are, in turn, anteceded by popular perceptions of the EU in Georgia. Mediation analysis revealed that the perception of the EU as a source of peace and security precedes the hope for an increase in national security with its support (political predictor). Likewise, the perception of the EU as a champion of economic development antecedes the hope for reduced poverty in Georgia (utilitarian predictor). On the other hand, the perception of the EU as a threat to national traditions does not predict Euroscepticism. We elaborate on this result through an examination of the current political atmosphere of Georgia, where we determine that fears of losing national traditions are outweighed by fears of economic and political insecurity.KEYWORDS: Euroscepticismutilitarian, political and cultural/identity-based predictorsrational choice theoryperceptions of the EU Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Geolocation informationThe study was conducted in Georgia.Notes1. A new ombudsman was elected in 2023.Additional informationNotes on contributorsNino JavakhishviliNino Javakhishvili is a full professor of psychology at the School of Arts and Sciences and director of D. Uznadze Institute of Psychology at Ilia State University. She is widely published locally and internationally and her research and teaching focus are intergroup relations, identity formation and gender equality, among others.Nino ButsashviliNino Butsashvili is a PhD candidate at School of Arts and Sciences and a research assistant at D. Uznadze Institute of Psychology at Ilia State University. She is involved in several research projects, including studies which focus on intergroup relations and identity formations.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"134 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135779089","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Turkey in between the EU and China: from Europeanization to cooperation with China","authors":"Gözde Yilmaz, Nilgün Eliküçük Yıldırım","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2023.2269776","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2269776","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTTurkey has been on the path of EU membership since the 2000s, and the democratization process was well underway during the initial years of its candidacy. However, this trend was reversed substantially, with Turkey growing increasingly authoritarian during the 2010s. This substantial democratic backsliding has led to increasing authoritarian cooperation with the authoritarian powers on the rise, one of which is China, whose increasing engagement and cooperation with Turkey marked an alternative gravity centre for Turkey to be pulled by. This article argues that Turkey, in line with the worsening domestic authoritarianism, has been engaging with the authoritarian powers for survival rather than engaging with the EU, which provided legitimacy to the rule of the AKP during the initial years of its rule.KEYWORDS: Authoritarian cooperationChinaEuropean UnionEuropeanizationTurkey Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. Turkey was the voice of Uyghurs on international platforms until 2015 as the home of the largest Uyghur diaspora outside Central Asia. However, increasing economic and political cooperation between Turkey and China led to Turkey remaining silent regarding China’s persecution of the Uyghurs, despite the Uyghurs being a Turkic Muslim community (Öniş and Yalikun Citation2021, 522). Additionally, during Erdoğan’s visit to China in 2017, Turkey and China signed an extradition treaty to restrict cross-border criminal activities. Although it has not been ratified by the Turkish parliament, there are some cases indicating that Turkey has already applied rendition, detention, and surveillance to its Uyghur population (Radio Free Asia Citation2019). Hence, Turkey’s turning into an authoritarian regime not only facilitated its cooperation with China but also caused Turkey to abandon the Uyghurs.Additional informationNotes on contributorsGözde YilmazGözde Yilmaz is a Jean Monnet Fellow at the European University Institute and professor in Atılım University. Her research interests are norm and authoritarian diffusion, external Europeanization, EU-Turkey-China relations, minority rights and non-discrimination in the EU and Turkey and Westerm Balkans.Nilgün Eliküçük YıldırımNilgün Eliküçük Yıldırım is an associate professor in the department of international relations at Atılım University in Ankara. Her research interests include Chinese foreign policy, Turkey-China Relations, IPE, social psychology.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"127 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135995298","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Securitization of gender as a modus operandi of populism: anti-gender discourses on the Istanbul Convention in the context of AKP’s illiberal transformation","authors":"Didem Unal","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2023.2262227","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2262227","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines how the discursive politics of securitization of gender operates in AKP’s recent framing of the Istanbul Convention (IC) and its decision to annul it. It demonstrates that AKP’s securitization of gender is structured as a populist discourse in the context of the party’s illiberal transformation marked by the intensification of populist antagonisms. At the national level, it is operationalized to protect the ‘pure’ nation from the ‘destructive’ effects of ‘gender ideology,’ while at the transnational level, it relies on the civilizational dichotomies framing the Judeo-Christian West as ‘alien’ to the nation. As a result, the article stresses the centrality of anti-genderism in the construction of political frontiers, antagonisms, and threat perceptions in AKP’s illiberal populist regime.","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"151 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135900307","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The reproduction of fear in populist discourse: an analysis of campaign speeches by the Justice and Development Party elites","authors":"Tuğçe Erçetin, Emre Erdoğan","doi":"10.1080/14683857.2023.2262241","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2023.2262241","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis paper scrutinizes the reproduction of fear in the populist discourse of the Justice and Development Party and provides a content analysis of campaign speeches between 2015 and 2018. We posit that the linkage between populism and fear derives from two frames, victimization and blaming, appealing to perceived threat and insecurity that deepens the construction of ‘us-vs-them’ group differentiation. We argue that the AKP’s campaign in the 2015 elections frames security, value, and competing narratives by emphasizing terrorism, clashes with the ‘others’, and the opposition’s lack of capacity to rule. Their campaign in the 2017 referendum articulates a crisis and issue-based narrative over the coup attempt and constitutional amendments, and the 2018 campaign featured an issue, value, and security-based narrative. The findings show various continuities and changes in the AKP narratives based on exploiting citizens’ threat perceptions, with broad fear-based narratives remaining constant while the specifics of the threat adapt to the political atmosphere of the time.KEYWORDS: Populismfearemotionselectionselectoral campaignsAKP Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. After the coup attempt, the government initiated numerous institutional changes in different spheres. Moreover, the official names of the Bosphorus Bridge, bus terminal, parks, and bus stops were changed to commemorate 15 July. Reforms on the military, Turkish Armed Forces, military schools, curricula, and institutions have been instituted. New decree laws were induced to dismiss civil servants, launch cases, close institutions such as universities, trade unions, newspapers, associations, television channels, schools, and so on, and trustees were appointed to typically elected municipal offices.2. This, however, also resulted in a split from the MHP, as those who largely opposed aligning with the AKP formed the oppositional İYİ Party (Good Party).3. For details, see Popping (Citation2018).4. Please also see Rooduijn and Pauwels (Citation2011).5. You can find the complete list of speeches in the Appendix, along with its location and details.Additional informationNotes on contributorsTuğçe ErçetinTuğçe Erçetin is an Assistant Professor at Istanbul Bilgi University of International Relations Department. She holds master’s degrees in Political Science and International Relations from the University of Essex and Istanbul Bilgi University; also she has a doctoral degree in Political Science from Istanbul Bilgi University. She has been a researcher in different projects on othering, populism, polarization, refugees and social entrepreneurship, civil society and volunteerism.Emre ErdoğanEmre Erdoğan is Professor at Istanbul Bilgi University of International Relations Department. With a doctoral degree in Political Science from Boğaziçi University, he has served as researcher and senior consultant in various projects in academia and civi","PeriodicalId":51736,"journal":{"name":"Southeast European and Black Sea Studies","volume":"101 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136059476","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}