{"title":"Via Twitter ins Amt: Karl Lauterbach, die Corona-Pandemie und das Bundesgesundheitsministerium","authors":"Ulrich Rosar, Thomas Poguntke","doi":"10.5771/0340-1758-2023-3-509","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2023-3-509","url":null,"abstract":"This article argues that Karl Lauterbach accomplished the office of federal secretary of health mainly due to his Twitter activities and the concomitant exposure in political TV talk shows . Lauterbach had little intraparty support after his failed bid for SPD leadership . He did not hold a senior office within his parliamentary group or within the health policy community . The Land party of North Rhine-Westphalia had placed him on a hopeless position of the Land list for the federal elections . Finally, he played a minor role in the coalition negotiations and did not lead the talks on health policy for his party . With a view to all known informal rules for the selection of government ministers, he was certainly not part of the pool of likely candidates . The detailed quantitative analyses of Lauterbach’s Twit ter and media activities show that it was most likely this self-generated public visibility which explains his appointment .","PeriodicalId":486211,"journal":{"name":"Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen","volume":"130 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136202629","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Die AfD als Auslöser von Regeländerungen? Zu den Regularien der Alterspräsidentschaft in Bundestag und Landesparlamenten nach 2014","authors":"Sven Leunig","doi":"10.5771/0340-1758-2023-3-554","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2023-3-554","url":null,"abstract":"In the fall of 2017, before the Bundestag elections, the 18th German Bundestag decided that in future the first session of a new election period would no longer be opened by the oldest member in terms of years of age, but by the one who has been a member of the Bundestag the longest . Such a change is permissible on the basis of parliamentary self-organization rights . However, it has been suggested in the media and also by the AfD that the amendment was not intended to safeguard the ability of the age president to chair the session, but rather to avoid the age presidency of an AfD deputy . Against the background of previous age presidencies of AfD deputies in state parliaments since 2014, this paper examines the question of whether such a connection can actually be assumed in the amendment of the rules of procedure of the Bundestag and those of three other state parliaments .","PeriodicalId":486211,"journal":{"name":"Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen","volume":"131 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136202428","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Die Bürgerschaftswahl in Bremen vom 14. Mai 2023: SPD wieder stärkste Partei, Rot-Grün-Rot wird fortgesetzt","authors":"Lothar Probst","doi":"10.5771/0340-1758-2023-3-532","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2023-3-532","url":null,"abstract":"After a rather boring election campaign the Social-Democrats (SPD) managed to achieve the position of the strongest party again which they lost to the Christian-Democrats (CDU) in 2019 . The CDU and the Left Party defended more or less their last election results whereas the Greens came up with a loss of more than five per cent of the votes . Apparently, the performance of the Greens in the three-party-coalition with the SPD and the Left Party obtained only low credit by the voters . With 5,1 per cent the Liberals were very close to enter the parliament . The SPD as the strongest party invited the Greens and the Left Party as well as the CDU to exploratory talks but came up very quickly with the decision to continue with the former left coalition . The coalition contract issued by the three coalition parties formulates ambitious goals with respect to investigations in the infrastructure, the ecological transformation of industries, and the increase of personnel in the education system, but remains vague with regard to their financing . The coalition plans to use money for many of these projects from the so-called climate-fonds that was already adopted in the last election period . Against this background the CDU announced that it will call the Bremer Staatsgerichtshof for a judicial review of constitutionality because the budgetary rights of the parliament may be violated by credit authorization without the parliament . Finally, the coalition decided to reallocate senate portfolios . Five portfolios went to the SPD, two to the Greens and the Left Party . Additionally, the representative of Bremen for national and European affairs from the SPD joins the senate in the function of a state councilor .","PeriodicalId":486211,"journal":{"name":"Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen","volume":"247 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136202451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"In den Tiefen der Koalitionsverhandlungen 2005 bis 2021: Von der Arbeitsgruppe Gesundheit zum Koalitionsvertrag","authors":"Robin Rüsenberg, Lorenz Schleyer, Sven T. Siefken","doi":"10.5771/0340-1758-2023-3-483","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2023-3-483","url":null,"abstract":"Coalition negotiations play a key role in government formation, but they have not been analyzed much in detail . In Germany, the past decades have seen an ongoing differentiation of their organization, leading to a complex multi-level negotiation structure with a policy- oriented division of labor . Studying the working group on health policy in the coalition negotiations following the German federal elections from 2005 to 2021 shows how far- reaching changes between the working group draft version and the final contract were . This sheds light on how the negotiation processes work and how their results are represented in the coalition treaties . Policy experts from the Bundestag and the state level, who are members of the working groups, have the opportunity to exercise great influence on the final results, especially if their working group has non-conflictual results . But negotiation leaders do exercise influence, particularly so on topics that are of relevance for party competition . The same goes for budget experts, select individuals and representatives of state interests . The method for analysis is instructive for other policy areas .","PeriodicalId":486211,"journal":{"name":"Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen","volume":"51 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136202648","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Titelei/Inhaltsverzeichnis","authors":"","doi":"10.5771/0340-1758-2023-3-i","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2023-3-i","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":486211,"journal":{"name":"Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136202662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Der Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 in Großbritannien. Oder: Die Folgen eines verfassungspolitischen Blindflugs","authors":"Stefan Schieren","doi":"10.5771/0340-1758-2023-3-658","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2023-3-658","url":null,"abstract":"When David Cameron wanted to become Prime Minister in 2010 he had to accept a Fixed-term Parliaments Act to cement the Conservative-Liberal Democratic coalition government . Under the rules of the Act the prime minister no longer had the authority to call elections at a time of his choosing . This power, on which his strong position in the Westminster democracy has rested in the past, was lost . This was one of the intentions of the advocates of the act . Furthermore, a fixed parliament was supposed to make British politics fairer, more inclusive, less confrontational, less tribal and less feeble . In the end the Act did not live up with these expectations . To some extent its flaws were responsible for the “Brexit Blunder” (Jo Murkens) . However, it also helped to frustrate any attempt by the Brexiteers to accomplish a no deal-Brexit . Part of this endeavor was the prorogation of Parliament which the Supreme Court adjudicated “unlawful” on 24 September 2019 . This judgment on the scope of the Royal prerogative is part of a transformation of the constitution that, accidentally, might have changed the role of the Crown in the constitutional fabric of the United Kingdom .","PeriodicalId":486211,"journal":{"name":"Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen","volume":"114 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136202448","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}