Democratization最新文献

{"title":"Explaining the failure of legislative agency in patronal divided executives: deputy meaning making and its impact on legislative quality in Kyrgyzstan 2010–2020","authors":"Rico Isaacs","doi":"10.1080/13510347.2023.2270423","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2023.2270423","url":null,"abstract":"In divided-executive patronal systems, legislatures have been sites of resistance to the centralization of power in a single patronal pyramid. Kyrgyzstan is an anomaly among divided-executive patronal systems when between 2010 to 2020, the Kyrgyz parliament was neither a site of opposition nor did it demonstrate legislative agency vis-à-vis the executive. Instead, following another uprising in 2020, a unified single patronal pyramid was re-established. Adopting an approach rooted in the semiotics of meaning making and drawing on a dataset of interviews with parliamentary deputies and a range of documentary sources, this article complements existing institutional approaches to explaining weak legislative agency by revealing a series of dialogical relationships between deputy meaning making and broader institutional and cultural constraints which shaped the Kyrgyz’s parliament’s overall quality and strength. These relationships pertain to legislative initiative, the protection of private interests and representation, with the interplay between the ascribed meaning and its constitution within broader institutional and cultural context contributing to the diminishment of legislative agency vis-à-vis the presidency. Kyrgyzstan illustrates the value of meaning making as an approach to understanding legislative-executive relations in non-democratic contexts, and its impact in conjunction with cultural and institutional constraints in shaping legislative agency.","PeriodicalId":47953,"journal":{"name":"Democratization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135366253","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"On the effectiveness of democracy aid in post-civil war recipient countries","authors":"Leonie Reicheneder, Michael Neureiter","doi":"10.1080/13510347.2023.2268536","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2023.2268536","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTDemocracy aid has been a major foreign policy instrument over the past 30 years. However, it is not clear whether such aid has any meaningful effect on democratic development in recipient countries, as previous studies have yielded somewhat contradictory results. We contribute to the burgeoning literature on the effectiveness of democracy aid by arguing that recipient countries’ history of conflict constitutes an important moderator in the relationship between democracy aid and democratic development. Specifically, we develop a theoretical framework which examines the effects of two different types of democracy aid – top-down and bottom-up assistance – on democratic development in post-conflict recipient countries. Analysing data on 147 recipients over a period of 19 years (2002–2020), we find that while neither type has a significant general effect on democracy levels in recipient countries, bottom-up democracy assistance does have a positive and significant effect in post-conflict contexts, which suggests that post-conflict periods pose an opportunity for domestic pro-democracy actors and their international supporters to nudge their countries towards democratic development. These findings have implications for the literatures on democracy aid and conflict as well as policymakers interested in fostering democratic development abroad.KEYWORDS: Democracy aiddemocracy assistancedemocracy promotioncivil warintrastate conflictpost-conflict societies AcknowledgementsThis article is partly based on the master’s thesis of the first author. Special thanks go to Berthold Rittberger for his support and supervision in the planning and conceptualization of this master’s thesis. We are also grateful to the editors and three anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments and suggestions.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Boese et al., Autocratization Changing Nature? 12.2 Nowack and Leininger, “Protecting Democracy from Abroad”; European Commission, Neighbourhood, Development and International Cooperation Instrument.3 de Zeeuw and Kumar, “Democracy Assistance to Postconflict Societies,” 20; Hornat, Transatlantic Democracy Assistance, 7.4 Bosin, “Supporting Democracy in the Former Soviet Union”; Gershman and Allen, “The Assault on Democracy Assistance”; Grimm and Mathis, “Democratization Via Aid?”5 Dietrich and Wright, “Foreign Aid Allocation Tactics”; Finkel et al., Effects of U.S. Foreign Assistance on Democracy Building, 1990-2014.6 Bermeo, “Aid Is Not Oil.”7 Cornell, “Does Regime Type Matter for the Impact of Democracy Aid on Democracy?”8 Finkel et al., Effects of U.S. Foreign Assistance on Democracy Building, 1990-2014.9 Strand and Hegre, Trends in Armed Conflict, 1946-2020; Strand et al., Trends in Armed Conflict, 1946-2018, 1.10 OECD, “States of Fragility 2020.”11 de Zeeuw and Kumar, “Democracy Assistance to Postconflict Societies.”12 Bush, The Taming of Democracy Assistance; Collins, “Can ","PeriodicalId":47953,"journal":{"name":"Democratization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135367225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Common enemies? Coups, insurgent strength and intra-elite competition: evidence from Latin America","authors":"Guillermo Kreiman","doi":"10.1080/13510347.2023.2268007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2023.2268007","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTWhat is the relation between coups d’etat and civil wars? While a wide set of studies have traced the determinants of internal armed conflicts and coup attempts, the interplay between these contentious processes remains unexplored. Building on different strands of research, this article seeks to explain why, and under what conditions, some regimes experience coup attempts in the midst of civil wars while others do not. Concretely, I posit that coup attempts during internal armed conflicts are more likely to occur when two conditions converge: when insurgents reach a medium-level of strength in situations of intra-elite competition. Key military forces, elite outsiders and coalition insiders interpret this situation as a unique opportunity for changes in the distribution of power and potentially coalesce through the formation of alternative regime coalitions. This argument is tested with a novel dataset on 90 Latin American revolutionary socialist insurgencies active since 1950 and a qualitative case study of the dynamics leading to the 1976 coup d’etat in Argentina, with results supporting the theoretical expectations. These findings contribute to a more detailed understanding of the relation between coups and civil wars, opening the way for further studies on this burgeoning area of research.KEYWORDS: Civil warscoupsinsurgencyelitesLatin America AcknowledgementsI am grateful to Stathis Kalyvas, Andrea Ruggeri, Luis de la Calle, Benoit Siberdt, Luis Schenoni, Joaquín Artés, Klaudia Wegschaider, Raquel Chantó, Sandra León, Inés Pina, members of the T.E. Lawrence Program on the Study of Conflict, and participants in the Midwest Political Science Association Annual Conference, the Conflict and Change Workshop at UCL, the Council for European Studies Annual Conference and the Carlos III Juan March Institute Conference for their feedback. I also thank the editor of Democratization and two anonymous reviewers.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Bell and Sudduth, “Causes and Outcomes.”2 Roessler, Ethnic Politics.3 Wood, Forging Democracy from Below.4 Johnson and Thyne, “Squeaky Wheels.”5 Casper and Tyson, “Popular Protest and Elite Coordination.”6 Slater, Ordering Power.7 Paine, “The Dictator's Power-Sharing Dilemma.”8 de Mesquita et al., The Logic of Political Survival.9 Boix, Democracy and Redistribution; Acemoglu and Robinson, Economic origins.10 Acemoglu and Robinson, Economic Origins, 15.11 de Mesquita et al., The Logic of Political Survival, 7.12 de Mesquita et al., The Logic of Political Survival, 51. The concept of selectorate is defined as “the set of people whose endowments include the qualities or characteristics institutionally required to choose the government´s leadership and necessary for gaining access to private benefits doled out by the government´s leadership” (Ibid., 42).13 Svolik, The Politics of Authoritarian Rule, 6.14 The concept of ruling coalition reflects the agree","PeriodicalId":47953,"journal":{"name":"Democratization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135366534","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Pastoral power, clerical state. Pentecostalism, gender, and sexuality in Nigeria <b>Pastoral power, clerical state. Pentecostalism, gender, and sexuality in Nigeria</b> by Ebenezer Obadare, Notre Dame, Indiana, USA, University of Notre Dame Press, 2022, 195 pp., $100 (hardcover); $35 (paperback), ISBN: 9780268203139; ISBN: 9780268203146","authors":"Jeffrey Haynes","doi":"10.1080/13510347.2023.2259812","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2023.2259812","url":null,"abstract":"\"Pastoral power, clerical state. Pentecostalism, gender, and sexuality in Nigeria.\" Democratization, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2","PeriodicalId":47953,"journal":{"name":"Democratization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135367222","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Autocracy's long reach: explaining host country influences on transnational repression","authors":"Marcus Michaelsen, Kris Ruijgrok","doi":"10.1080/13510347.2023.2267448","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2023.2267448","url":null,"abstract":"Authoritarian regimes frequently reach across borders to repress against exiled dissidents. Existing scholarship has investigated the methods and effects of transnational repression. Yet, we lack knowledge of the role that the political context of a host country and its relations to the origin country of diasporas play in incidents of transnational repression. Addressing this gap, we use a Freedom House dataset on physical acts of transnational repression (2014–2020) to study how the regime type of the host country and the regional ties between the host and origin country influence the likelihood and type of transnational repression incidents. Conducting a logistic regression analysis with yearly directed dyads, we find that to target exiles in autocratic host states perpetrators primarily rely on the cooperation of authorities, whereas in democratic host states they resort more often to direct attacks. We also show that authoritarian cooperation on transnational repression is regionally clustered: it often occurs when home and host state are situated within the same authoritarian neighbourhood, and partly also when they are members in the same regional organization. Our article reveals some of the host state conditions and relational dynamics that shape the decisions and strategies of transnational repression perpetrators.","PeriodicalId":47953,"journal":{"name":"Democratization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135616770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Do mutually reinforcing cleavages harm democracy? Inequalities between ethnic groups and autocratization","authors":"Guido Panzano","doi":"10.1080/13510347.2023.2264196","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2023.2264196","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTDo mutually reinforcing cleavages harm democracy? Evidence from specific cases suggests that autocratization can be related to the predicament of ethnic groups, if ethnicity is politicized and involves resource distribution. However, we know little about whether this is a cause of autocratization more broadly. The article demonstrates that, with increasing inequalities between ethnic groups, a country experiences a decline in its level of democracy and higher propensity to start autocratizing. The analysis thus advances previous contributions, focusing on individual inequalities and power-sharing institutions as explanations of democratization or democratic quality, in two ways. First, isolating autocratization as downturns in democracy levels and the onsets of related timespans (autocratization episodes), and comparing the impact of (economic, political, and social) types of inequalities between ethnic groups. Second, adopting a global sample of (democratic and non-democratic) countries since 1981, with an original data collection integrating expert surveys with survey data. Quantitative evidence confirms most expectations, particularly on economic inequalities between ethnic groups, and – although less precisely – economic, political and social dimensions combined. The findings have important implications for political regime and ethnic studies, showing that preventing the mutual reinforcement of sociocultural and economic cleavages is key to stabilize democracy.KEYWORDS: Autocratizationethnicityinequalitydemocracyethnic groups AcknowledgmentsI thank Luca Tomini, Jean-Benoît Pilet and Daniel Bochsler, for their precious feedback on the paper. I also thank the participants of the 2022 ECPR General Conference panel “Authoritarianism”, 2022 SISP Conference panel “Regime convergence” and 2022 AuPSA Political Science Day panel “Democratization and Autocratization” for their useful comments. Moreover, I am grateful to Lasse Egendal Leipziger, Christian Houle, Frances Stewart and Nils-Christian Bormann, who shared manuscripts, replication data and ideas that helped me progress this research. Other readers of previous versions of the paper and my research project that I kindly thank are Felix Wiebrecht, Andreas Juon, Andrea Vaccaro, Andrea Cassani, Svend-Erik Skaaning, Seda Gürkan, Matthijs Bogaards, Gianni Del Panta and Licia Cianetti. Finally, I wish to thank the two anonymous reviewers for their excellent suggestions and generous support.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Boese et al., “State of the World 2021”; Wiebrecht et al., “State of the World 2022.”2 Houle, “Ethnic Inequality”; and Stewart, “Horizontal Inequalities.”3 Bochsler and Juon, “Power-Sharing”; Juon and Bochsler, “The Two Faces.”4 Coppedge et al., “V-Dem Codebook V11.”5 Vogt et al., “Integrating Data.”6 Baldwin and Huber, “Economic versus Cultural Differences”; Houle, “Ethnic Inequality.”7 Leipziger, “Measuring Ethnic In","PeriodicalId":47953,"journal":{"name":"Democratization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135779729","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Offer money, they will accept: linkages between authoritarian tendencies and clientelist targeting in Africa","authors":"Nemanja Stankov","doi":"10.1080/13510347.2023.2267453","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2023.2267453","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTUnderstanding clientelist practices is one of the core issues to unravel to ensure the proper functioning of electoral institutions. This article focuses on the decision of patrons/brokers on who to target, introducing a new norm into the picture – authoritarianism. Building on the theories of norm-based compliance, I argued that authoritarian individuals should be more frequently targeted, as they should be more likely to comply with brokers demands without external monitoring. I posit that this is true because authoritarian individuals should be more willing to submit to the will and demands of authorities (brokers), and because they are likely to evaluate clientelism as morally acceptable and a legitimate electoral strategy. Furthermore, the rate of authoritarian targeting should be higher in institutional settings that limit the overall reach of clientelism. Utilizing Afrobarometer (2011-2013) data for 34 countries, through multilevel regression modelling I show that authoritarian individuals do have a higher chance of being targeted with the strength of this association increasing as the district magnitude rises. This article opens a new avenue of research that introduces individual level authoritarianism into the literature on clientelist targeting and complements the norm-based compliance approach with a focus on a new and potentially influential norm.KEYWORDS: ClientelismtargetingauthoritarianismAfricadistrict magnitude Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Kitschelt and Wilkinson, “Citizen-Political linkages.”2 Stokes, “A formal model of machine politics.”3 Stokes et al., Brokers, voters, and clientelism.4 Lawson and Green, “Making clientelism work.”5 Carlin and Moseley, “Good democrats, bad targets” and Carlin and Moseley, “When Clientelism Backfires.”6 Robinson and Verdier, “The political economy.”7 Dal Bó, “Bribing voters.”8 Lawson and Green, “Making clientelism work.”9 see Van de Walle, “Meet the new boss.”10 Cohrs et al., “Effects of right-wing” and Crowson, “Authoritarianism, perceived threat.”11 Arlin, “Right-wing authoritarianism.”12 Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture in Lawson and Greene, “Making clientelism work.”13 Chang and Golden, “Electoral systems.”14 Pellicer and Wegner, “Electoral rules.”15 see Mares, From open secrets, for XIX century German elections.16 Hicken, “Clientelism”17 Kitschelt and Wilkinson, “Citizen-Political linkages.”18 Yildirim and Kitschelt, “Analytical perspectives” and Berenschot and Aspinall, “How clientelism varies.”19 Stokes et al., Brokers, voters, and clientelism.20 Note that this conceptualization of clientelism implicitly excludes negative clientelist strategies, such as threats, the withdrawal of benefits and ultimately violence. While I recognize that these can also constitute clientelist exchanges, this paper will focus only on those strategies that “promise” some sort of directly transferable benefits for future electoral support.","PeriodicalId":47953,"journal":{"name":"Democratization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135883072","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Where do social media and education meet? A closer look at understanding of democracy","authors":"Leeann H. Youn, Haruka Nagao, William Hatungimana, Rigao Liu","doi":"10.1080/13510347.2023.2258809","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2023.2258809","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTSocial media presents a contradictory relationship with democracy. Once, it was regarded as a tool for democracy, providing alternative sources of information and coordinating social movements for democratization. Later it also became a tool for authoritarian regimes to control information and spread propaganda to stay in power. This mixed perception suggests that both democratic and authoritarian forces can use social media to influence public opinion. This presents a puzzle to the relationship between social media use and democratic understanding. Does social media promote or erode understanding of democracy? This study argues that the effect of social media use on understanding of democracy depends on higher education. The relationship also differs between democracies and non-democracies. Using the newest wave of the World Values Survey (wave 7, 2017–2020), this study analyses the influence of social media use on understanding of democracy in non-democracies and democracies. The findings suggest that social media use positively affects understanding of democracy in democratic countries. However, the democratic effect of social media is nullified in non-democracy unless it interacts with higher education. The findings offer implications for the relationship between social media, higher education, and understanding of democracy.KEYWORDS: Understanding of democracysocial mediahigher educationregime typepublic opinion Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 See Chapman et al., “Under the Veil of Democracy”; Cinar and Bulbul, “Varieties of Democratic Understanding”; Gerber and Chapman, “Familiarity Breeds Contempt?”2 Chang et al., “Authoritarian Nostalgia in Asia”; Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood”; Shin, “Popular Understanding of Democracy.”3 Kirsch and Welzel, “Democracy Misunderstood”; Yeung, “Overestimation of Democracy in Nondemocracies.”4 Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture.5 Lipset, “Some Social Requisites of Democracy.”6 Inglehart, “Modernization, Postmodernization and Changing Perceptions of Risk.”7 Canache, “Citizens’ Conceptualizations of Democracy”; Chapman et al., “Under the Veil of Democracy”; Cho, “To Know Democracy Is to Love It”; Gerber and Chapman, “Familiarity Breeds Contempt?”8 Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture; Inglehart, “Modernization, Postmodernization and Changing Perceptions of Risk”; Lipset, “Some Social Requisites of Democracy.”9 Lu and Chu, Understandings of Democracy.10 Zagrebina, “Concepts of Democracy in Democratic and Nondemocratic Countries.”11 Ceka and Magalhães, “Do the Rich and the Poor Have Different Conceptions of Democracy?”12 Allcott and Gentzkow, “Social Media and Fake News”; Behrouzian et al., “Resisting Censorship”; Dal and Nisbet, “Walking Through Firewalls”; Lessenski, “Resilience to ‘Post-Truth’.”13 Bodó et al., “Interested in Diversity”; Borgesius et al., “Should We Worry about Filter Bubbles?”14 Haerpfer et al., “World Values Sur","PeriodicalId":47953,"journal":{"name":"Democratization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136185612","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Expertise, policy-making and democracy <b>Expertise, policy-making and democracy</b> , by Johan Christensen, Cathrine Holst and Anders Molander, Routledge, London, UK, 2022, 136 pp., $47.96(Hardback), ISBN: 9780367617769","authors":"Nur Fajriani S, Satrio Alpen Pradanna, Hendri Irawan","doi":"10.1080/13510347.2023.2266805","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2023.2266805","url":null,"abstract":"\"Expertise, policy-making and democracy.\" Democratization, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2 AcknowledgmentThe authors would like to extend their gratitude to the Indonesian Endowment Fund for Education (Lembaga Pengelola Dana Pendidikan) for sponsoring their studies.","PeriodicalId":47953,"journal":{"name":"Democratization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136185611","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The longer the worse? The case of populism, anti-pluralism, and constitutional compliance","authors":"Jacek Lewkowicz, Rafał Woźniak, Anna Lewczuk, Mateusz Marcol","doi":"10.1080/13510347.2023.2258341","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2023.2258341","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTAlthough compliance with constitutions is undoubtedly one of the most essential topics in the current public debate, there are still a lot of questions about its determinants that have to be addressed. What is the impact of the populistic and anti-pluralistic character of ruling political parties on constitutional compliance of the government and does it depend on how long such parties have been in power? In our study, based on data for 147 countries during the period between 1990 and 2019, we aim to investigate the relationships between populism, anti-pluralism, and constitutional compliance, with a special focus on the years of the populist or anti-pluralistic ruling parties in office. In a series of panel regressions, we find that the longer anti-pluralists remain in power, the worse the effect they may have on constitutional compliance of the government. These results suggest that the respect for a constitution shown by government representatives is dependent on the nature of the party from which they originate and that anti-pluralism entrenched in the political scene for many years can be a real peril.KEYWORDS: constitutional economicspopulismanti-pluralismilliberalisminstitutional economics AcknowledgementsWe are grateful to two anonymous reviewers for the comments on our manuscript. We also give thanks to Christian Bjørnskov, Niclas Berggren, Jan Fałkowski, Jerg Gutmann, Bernd Hayo, Jarosław Kantorowicz, Katarzyna Metelska-Szaniawska, and Stefan Voigt for the feedback. The support of the Foundation for Polish Science (FNP) is gratefully acknowledged.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Urbinati, “Political Theory of Populism”; Guriev and Papaioannou, “The Political Economy of Populism.”2 North, “Institutions, Transaction Costs”; Trebilcock and Leng, “The Role of Formal Contract Law”; Lewkowicz and Lewczuk, “Civil Society and Compliance with Constitutions.”3 Voigt, “Mind the Gap”; Metelska-Szaniawska, Economic Effects of Post Socialist Constitutions; Chilton and Versteeg, “Rights Without Resources”; Bjoernskov and Mchangama, “Do Social Rights Affect Social Outcomes?”; Gutmann and Voigt, “Judicial Independence in the EU.”4 Berkowitz, Pistor, and Richard, “Economic Development”; Gavison, “What Belongs in a Constitution?”; Elkins, Ginsburg, and Melton, The Endurance of National Constitutions.5 Voigt, “Mind the Gap”; Alesina, Troiano, and Cassidy, “Old and Young Politicians”; Dal Bó et al., “Who Becomes a Politician?”6 Voigt, “Mind the Gap.”7 Guriev and Papaioannou, “The Political Economy of Populism.”8 Mudde and Kaltwasser, Populism.9 Ibid.10 Tushnet and Bugaric, Power to the People.11 Guriev and Papaioannou, “The Political Economy of Populism”; Bonikowski et al., “Populism and Nationalism.”12 Urbinati, “Political Theory of Populism”; Guriev and Papaioannou, “The Political Economy of Populism.”13 Gutmann and Rode, Are Populists Constitutionalists?14 Ibid.15 Celico, Rode, and Carreño","PeriodicalId":47953,"journal":{"name":"Democratization","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136292347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}