LinguisticsPub Date : 2024-03-15DOI: 10.1515/ling-2021-0184
Aijun Huang, Xiaomei Zhang, Stephen Crain
{"title":"The interpretation of animate nouns in child and adult Mandarin: from the Universal Grinder to syntactic structure","authors":"Aijun Huang, Xiaomei Zhang, Stephen Crain","doi":"10.1515/ling-2021-0184","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/ling-2021-0184","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Using animate nouns to refer to entities in the world involves a complex interaction of ontology, cognition and language. The present study evaluates two accounts of the use of animate nouns, with Mandarin Chinese as the vehicle for testing between the competing accounts. One account was proposed by Cheng et al. (2008. How universal is the Universal Grinder? In Marjo van Koppen & Bert Botma (eds.), Linguistics in the Netherlands, 50–62. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins). These researchers contend that the count interpretation is basic for Mandarin animate nouns, due to a lexical blocking effect. To access the alternative, mass interpretation requires some kind of pragmatic coercion. A second account was proposed by Pelletier, based on English (1975. Non-Singular reference: Some preliminaries. Philosophia 5(4). 451–465; 2012. Lexical nouns are both +MASS and +COUNT, but they are neither +MASS nor + COUNT. In Diane Massam (ed.), Count and mass across languages, 9–26. Oxford: Oxford University Press). We extend this account to Mandarin animate nouns, proposing that they are encoded in the mental lexicon with both a count sense and a mass sense. To adjudicate between the accounts, we conducted four experiments that were designed to assess the interpretation assigned to animate nouns by Mandarin-speaking children and adults. The experimental conditions manipulated both the syntactic structures of the sentences and the non-linguistic contexts in which those sentences were presented. The experimental findings support our proposal that both mass and count interpretations of animate nouns are available to children and adults when sentences are presented in contexts that are congruent with these interpretations. The findings also suggest that syntactic structure is an even more critical factor in determining the interpretation that is assigned to animate nouns in Mandarin.","PeriodicalId":47548,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140241272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
LinguisticsPub Date : 2024-02-27DOI: 10.1515/ling-2021-0072
Uta Reinöhl, T. M. Ellison
{"title":"Metaphor forces argument overtness","authors":"Uta Reinöhl, T. M. Ellison","doi":"10.1515/ling-2021-0072","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/ling-2021-0072","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper uncovers how metaphor forces argument overtness – across languages and parts of speech. It addresses the relationship between semantically unsaturated terms, functors, and the argument terms that complete them. When the component terms’ default senses clash semantically, a metaphor arises. In such cases, the argument must be overt, in contrast to literal uses. It is possible to say Everyone was waiting at the hotel. Finally, Kim arrived. By contrast, people do not use arrived metaphorically without a goal argument: Everything had been pointing to that conclusion all along. *Finally, Kim arrived. What they say is Finally, Kim arrived at it. We illustrate the phenomenon with powerful and diverse evidence: three corpus studies (Indo-Aryan languages, British English, Vera’a) and a sentence-completion experiment with around 250 native speakers of English. Both the corpus studies and the experiment show no or almost no exceptions to metaphor-driven argument overtness. The strength of the effect contrasts with a complete lack of speaker awareness. We propose that metaphor-driven argument overtness – as well as the lack of speaker consciousness – is a universal phenomenon that can be accounted for in terms of human language processing.","PeriodicalId":47548,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140424141","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
LinguisticsPub Date : 2024-02-27DOI: 10.1515/ling-2020-0115
Viola Green, David Birdsong
{"title":"Binomials in English and French: ablaut, rhyme and syllable structure","authors":"Viola Green, David Birdsong","doi":"10.1515/ling-2020-0115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/ling-2020-0115","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Binomial expressions (e.g., hocus-pocus; dribs and drabs) are irreversible sequences of two types: reduplicative binomials (e.g., pitter-patter) and conjoined binomials (e.g., wheeling and dealing). Both types exhibit similar phonological features such as rhyme, alliteration and ablaut alternation. The present study investigates English and French speaker preferences for phonological templates in binomials. Elicitation of preferences was carried out using nonsense sequences exemplifying the templates Simple Rhyme (e.g., fiply-biply; fudette-budette), Complex Onset Rhyme (e.g., settip and slettip; ni cougui ni crougi), and Ablaut (e.g., gesky and gosky; fudette-fudotte), which were pitted against each other, e.g., gesky and gosky (Ablaut) versus gesky and glesky (Complex Onset Rhyme). Results of two experiments – the first involving nonce sequences containing disyllabic terms, the second involving nonsense items with monosyllabic constituents – reveal that English speakers prefer Simple Rhyme in items containing disyllabic constituents, and Ablaut for items containing monosyllabic terms. In contrast, French speakers prefer Ablaut in both the disyllabic term and the monosyllabic term conditions. In both experiments, Simple Rhyme is preferred to Complex Onset Rhyme. The experimental results for English align with statistical distributions of phonological templates in the Thun (1963. Reduplicative words in English: A study of formations of the types tick-tick, hurly-burly and shilly-shally. Lund: Carl Bloms) corpus of binomials. Our testing of English and French respondents further reveals that certain preferences are dissimilar across languages. Our findings lead us to propose that constraint rankings for reduplicatives in English and French under Optimality Theory should be sensitive to the number of syllables in constituent terms. In sum, the study of binomial expressions is enhanced by experimental evidence of speakers’ preferences when presented with competing sequencing patterns.","PeriodicalId":47548,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140425175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
LinguisticsPub Date : 2024-02-23DOI: 10.1515/ling-2021-0134
Jong-Bok Kim
{"title":"Fragment answers with negative dependencies in Korean: a direct interpretation approach","authors":"Jong-Bok Kim","doi":"10.1515/ling-2021-0134","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/ling-2021-0134","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Fragment answers are nonsentential utterances quite pervasive in daily-life dialogues. This article focuses on fragment answers involving a negative dependency expression in Korean. The key question for the analysis of such a negative fragment expression is how to resolve sentential meaning from its non-sentential status. This article argues against sentential approaches that postulate clausal sources together with move-and-delete operations to generate negative fragments. Instead, the article supports a discourse-based direct interpretation analysis that allows negative fragment answers to be directly projected as a full utterance and obtain their propositional meaning by referring to the organized discourse structure in question.","PeriodicalId":47548,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-02-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140437744","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
LinguisticsPub Date : 2024-02-23DOI: 10.1515/ling-2021-0042
Francesco-Alessio Ursini, Tong Wu
{"title":"On Italian spatial prepositions and measure phrases: reconciling the data with theoretical accounts","authors":"Francesco-Alessio Ursini, Tong Wu","doi":"10.1515/ling-2021-0042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/ling-2021-0042","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The goal of this article is to offer new empirical evidence regarding the grammatical and semantic properties of Italian spatial prepositions, and to provide a theoretical account based on this evidence. We show that Italian has four grammatical types of prepositions (simple, complex, contracted and uncontracted), and three semantic types (geometric, projective and region prepositions). By studying the syntactic distribution of prepositions and the phrases they form with measure phrases (e.g., dieci metri ‘ten meters’) we argue that a non-isomorphic (i.e., not one-to-one) relation between grammatical and semantic type emerges. Region and geometric prepositions form phrases that block the presence of measure phrases (e.g., #dieci metri a fianco del muro ‘ten meters beside the wall’), whereas projective prepositions license them (e.g., dieci metri dietro al muro ‘ten meters behind the wall’). We show that previous accounts postulate a type of symmetry that leads to problematic predictions regarding these patterns. We then propose an alternative account based on the Lexical Syntax framework that models the data via a feature-matching mechanism.","PeriodicalId":47548,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-02-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140437091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
LinguisticsPub Date : 2024-02-10DOI: 10.1515/ling-2022-0084
M. Espinal, Giuliana Giusti
{"title":"On the property-denoting clitic ne and the determiner de/di: a comparative analysis of Catalan and Italian","authors":"M. Espinal, Giuliana Giusti","doi":"10.1515/ling-2022-0084","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/ling-2022-0084","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The clitic pronoun ne and the functional element de introducing nominal constituents have many nominal and prepositional functions across Romance languages. In this article, we focus on the nominal functions, singling out three different bundles of semantic features that characterize both ne and de. They can denote properties of individual entities, properties of kinds, or predicate properties. The article shows that Catalan ne and de display the three types of denotation, while Italian ne and de only display the first one. This article further supports the hypothesis that the indefinite determiner de can be overt or silent, thereby unifying de-phrases (and the Italian partitive article) with bare nouns. The analysis of de as an indefinite determiner is then extended to adjectival de, which is claimed to mark concord features on adjectives in both Catalan and Italian.","PeriodicalId":47548,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-02-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139846163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
LinguisticsPub Date : 2024-02-10DOI: 10.1515/ling-2022-0084
M. Espinal, Giuliana Giusti
{"title":"On the property-denoting clitic ne and the determiner de/di: a comparative analysis of Catalan and Italian","authors":"M. Espinal, Giuliana Giusti","doi":"10.1515/ling-2022-0084","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/ling-2022-0084","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The clitic pronoun ne and the functional element de introducing nominal constituents have many nominal and prepositional functions across Romance languages. In this article, we focus on the nominal functions, singling out three different bundles of semantic features that characterize both ne and de. They can denote properties of individual entities, properties of kinds, or predicate properties. The article shows that Catalan ne and de display the three types of denotation, while Italian ne and de only display the first one. This article further supports the hypothesis that the indefinite determiner de can be overt or silent, thereby unifying de-phrases (and the Italian partitive article) with bare nouns. The analysis of de as an indefinite determiner is then extended to adjectival de, which is claimed to mark concord features on adjectives in both Catalan and Italian.","PeriodicalId":47548,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-02-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139786276","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
LinguisticsPub Date : 2024-02-09DOI: 10.1515/ling-2020-0247
Yafei Li, Jen Ting
{"title":"The particle s\u0000 uo in Mandarin Chinese: a case of long X0-dependency and a reexamination of the Principle of Minimal Compliance","authors":"Yafei Li, Jen Ting","doi":"10.1515/ling-2020-0247","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/ling-2020-0247","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 X0-dependencies are known to be highly local. It has been argued that syntactic head movement can affect locality constraints. While some recent studies have revealed that verbal heads can undergo long-distance movement similar to phrasal movement, nominal categories still appear to adhere to strict locality constraints on head movement. In this context, we examine an exception, the particle suo in Mandarin Chinese, and explore its theoretical implications. We begin by showing that the X0-element suo exhibits a long dependency across every type of clausal boundary in Chinese, including finite ones. By placing suo in a typology that accommodates resumptive pronouns and Romance-type clitics, we highlight the significance of suo’s long dependency. Next, we argue that suo forms a big-DP with the relative operator; since movement of the relative operator has satisfied the locality constraint, according to Richards’ (1998. The Principle of Minimal Compliance. Linguistic Inquiry 29. 599–629) Principle of Minimal Compliance, suo can have a long dependency on its underlying position. This discussion leads us to conclude that the original formulation of the Principle of Minimal Compliance needs reexamination regarding the true meaning of exemption. Once exemption from a locality condition is separated from movement itself, both the initial data for the PMC and the behaviors of suo are accounted for.","PeriodicalId":47548,"journal":{"name":"Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139789801","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}