Foreign Policy Analysis最新文献_第2页

Hawks versus Doves: Who Leads American Foreign Policy in the US Congress? 鹰派与鸽派:谁在美国国会领导美国外交政策?

IF 2.2 2区社会学

Foreign Policy Analysis Pub Date : 2023-07-24 DOI: 10.1093/fpa/orad025

W. Bendix, Gyung-Ho Jeong

引用次数: 0

Do China’s Foreign Economic Ties Lead to Influence Abroad? New Evidence from Recent Events 中国的对外经济联系会影响到国外吗?来自近期事件的新证据

IF 2.2 2区社会学

Foreign Policy Analysis Pub Date : 2023-07-24 DOI: 10.1093/fpa/orad016

Guan Wang, M. Pearson, Scott L. Kastner

引用次数: 0

The Political Economy of Peacekeeping: Civil–Military Resource Substitution through International Brokerage 维持和平的政治经济学：通过国际经纪实现军民资源替代

IF 2.2 2区社会学

Foreign Policy Analysis Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1093/fpa/orad014

N. Sakib, Md Muhibbur Rahman

{"title":"The Political Economy of Peacekeeping: Civil–Military Resource Substitution through International Brokerage","authors":"N. Sakib, Md Muhibbur Rahman","doi":"10.1093/fpa/orad014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orad014","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 What effects does participation in peacekeeping operations (PKO) have on the participating countries’ civil–military resource allocation? Answering this question can widen our understanding of state motivations to contribute to the United Nations PKOs by incorporating the civil–military dynamic. We argue that contributing states can substitute part of their domestic military expenditures with external resources. Governments act as brokers between domestic military interests and international sources of rent, a process which we call civil–military resource substitution through international brokerage. By doing so, governments can (i) reduce part of the bottom-up demands for increased military spending (i.e., salaries and allowances) and (ii) outsource critical resources to meet military organizational priorities (i.e., training, weapons, perks for the military elite, and so on). Using cross-national statistical analysis, we find that the UN PKO contributing states allocate fewer resources to the defense sector than the non-contributing states, and higher troop-contributing states are likely to allocate fewer resources to the defense sector than the lower-contributing or non-contributing states. The implications point to a much wider role of the UN peacekeeping missions than what is previously understood and demonstrate their impacts beyond the host countries.","PeriodicalId":46954,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Analysis","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47619424","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Ontological (in)Security and the Iran Nuclear Deal—Explaining Instability in US Foreign Policy Interests 本体论安全与伊朗核协议——解读美国外交政策利益的不稳定

IF 2.2 2区社会学

Foreign Policy Analysis Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1093/fpa/orad013

M. T. Rees

{"title":"Ontological (in)Security and the Iran Nuclear Deal—Explaining Instability in US Foreign Policy Interests","authors":"M. T. Rees","doi":"10.1093/fpa/orad013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orad013","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 On July 14, 2015, under the leadership of the Obama administration, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action—referred to as the Iran Nuclear Deal—was signed. After 35 years of diplomatic isolation, the agreement marked a watershed moment in the United States–Iran relations and achieved a key US national security objective regarding nuclear non-proliferation. However, the agreement faced significant domestic opposition grounded in concerns that Iran was untrustworthy. Yet, the prospect of withdrawal generated a sense of insecurity that the United States’s status as a “responsible world leader” would be undermined, despite ongoing anxieties around Iran’s compliance. What explains such a paradox in foreign policy preferences? By incorporating discursive institutionalist approaches with ontological security perspectives, I work to show how President Obama’s entry into the agreement generated ontological insecurities as he struggled to displace existing narratives around Iran as a hostile, untrustworthy actor. Yet, Iran’s compliance with the agreement made it equally difficult for Trump to justify withdrawal; instead, his efforts raised additional concerns that America’s international standing would be undermined. Theoretically, this paper incorporates discursive institutionalist insights with ontological security to disaggregate how different conceptions of the “Self” are contested and activated in policy debates in ways that lead to instability and variation in US foreign policy.","PeriodicalId":46954,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Analysis","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48411524","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The Lure of Technocracy? Chinese Aid and Local Preferences for Development Leadership in Africa 技术官僚的诱惑?中国援助与非洲发展领导的地方偏好

IF 2.2 2区社会学

Foreign Policy Analysis Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1093/fpa/orad010

Zhenqian Huang, Xun Cao

引用次数: 0

A Soft Power Challenge, or an Opportunity? A Big Data Analysis on Chinese Soft Power during COVID-19 Pandemic 软实力的挑战还是机遇?新冠肺炎疫情下中国软实力大数据分析

IF 2.2 2区社会学

Foreign Policy Analysis Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1093/fpa/orad011

Yerin Kim, Byungjun Kim, Min Hyung Park, Woomin Nam, Jangil Kim

引用次数: 0

Is a Free Trade Agreement More than Merely a Trade Policy? People's Preferences for Free Trade Agreements and the Security Factor 自由贸易协定不仅仅是一项贸易政策吗？人民对自由贸易协定的偏好与安全因素

IF 2.2 2区社会学

Foreign Policy Analysis Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1093/fpa/orad012

Taisuke Fujita

引用次数: 0

Building Bridges or Breaking Bonds? The Belt and Road Initiative and Foreign Aid Competition 搭建桥梁还是打破纽带?“一带一路”倡议与对外援助竞赛

2区社会学

Foreign Policy Analysis Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1093/fpa/orad015

Krishna Chaitanya Vadlamannati, Yuanxin Li, Samuel Brazys, Alexander Alexander Dukalskis

{"title":"Building Bridges or Breaking Bonds? The Belt and Road Initiative and Foreign Aid Competition","authors":"Krishna Chaitanya Vadlamannati, Yuanxin Li, Samuel Brazys, Alexander Alexander Dukalskis","doi":"10.1093/fpa/orad015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orad015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract China’s renewed prominence is the most important development in international relations in the 21st century. Despite longstanding rhetoric of its own “peaceful rise”, China is increasingly viewed as a long-term strategic competitor, especially in the United States. Foreign aid is one arena where this competition may be playing out. While Western foreign aid principles have emphasized coordination and harmonization, the rise of China as a development partner has raised the specter of a return to competitive foreign aid practices. Most notably, China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), has received a wary reception by those who view it primarily as a geostrategic effort, but our knowledge of responses to the BRI is often anecdotal and fragmentary. To remedy this, we test if the BRI is inducing a competitive foreign aid response by evaluating if countries involved in this initiative are more likely to receive US support for loan packages from the major, Western, multilateral development banks (MDBs). Using an instrumental variable approach, covering 7,850 project/loan packages in 10 MDBs from 162 countries during 2013–2018 period, we find that the United States was more likely to vote for MDB packages to countries that have signed on to the BRI, but predominantly when the actual amount of Chinese aid flowing to those countries is still low, suggesting the United States is competing for “hedging” countries.","PeriodicalId":46954,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Analysis","volume":"104 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136265845","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Economic Actors as Human Rights Watchers: The Effects of Government Sexual Violence on Foreign Direct Investment 作为人权观察者的经济行为者:政府性暴力对外国直接投资的影响

IF 2.2 2区社会学

Foreign Policy Analysis Pub Date : 2023-01-20 DOI: 10.1093/fpa/orad001

S. O. Adelaiye, Chhandosi Roy, Mehwish Sarwari

引用次数: 1

What (Who) Is Moderate Islam for? Malaysia's Ontological Security Seeking in the Post-September 11 Global Order 温和的伊斯兰教是为了什么(谁)?“9.11”后全球秩序下马来西亚的本体论安全寻求

IF 2.2 2区社会学

Foreign Policy Analysis Pub Date : 2023-01-20 DOI: 10.1093/fpa/orac040

Nicholas Chan

{"title":"What (Who) Is Moderate Islam for? Malaysia's Ontological Security Seeking in the Post-September 11 Global Order","authors":"Nicholas Chan","doi":"10.1093/fpa/orac040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orac040","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The popular yet ambiguous idea of moderate Islam has been treated with either interest or indifference in international relations. The interest hinges on hopes of Islamic reformism, whereas the indifference originates from a cynical view that sees moderate Islam campaigns as driven by political opportunism. These viewpoints conceptualize the idea of “moderate Islam” as exegetically rooted and seek to measure state actions based on that. This article argues that “Islamic” signifiers in the foreign policy narratives of Muslim states are better understood from the postcolonial subjectivities of their producers, who are most aware of uneven global cultural hierarchies. It demonstrates that elite Muslim narratives of moderate Islam are less about religious reformation as they are about ontological security seeking. This need for ontological security seeking by Muslim state elites stems from the historical stigmatization of Islam that is exacerbated by the Global War on Terror. Using the case of Malaysia, I highlight how discourses about moderate Islam in foreign policy operate through two mutually reinforcing discursive strategies: image building and image differentiation. Through historical and discourse analysis, I argue that both strategies contain a stigma-correction motive as they worked to craft this image of Malaysia being an exemplary “moderate” Muslim state.","PeriodicalId":46954,"journal":{"name":"Foreign Policy Analysis","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41523136","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0