{"title":"Retroflex and non-retroflex laterals in the Zibo dialect of Chinese","authors":"Bing Dong, Jie Liang, Qing Yao","doi":"10.1017/s0025100324000094","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0025100324000094","url":null,"abstract":"This paper reports on an acoustic study of the retroflex lateral /ɭ/ and non-retroflex lateral /l/, as well as on the schwas following the two laterals in the Zibo dialect. Analyses of formants measured at the temporal midpoint of the lateral and schwa segments show that the retroflex lateral /ɭ/ has a significantly lower F1 as well as a significantly larger C/V duration ratio than the non-retroflex lateral. No significant difference is found in F2 or F3 of the two laterals. Moreover, the schwa following /ɭ/ has a significantly lower F1 than that following /l/, which could play a robust role of cue enhancement in distinguishing the preceding laterals, resulting in an overall enhancement of an otherwise auditorily vulnerable contrast in the laterals. Some inter-speaker variation is observed in the realization of /ɭ/, especially in F3, which may be indicative of a change in progress. These results provide insights into the phonemic status of the retroflex lateral in the Zibo dialect, which are further discussed in light of phonetic and phonological explanations.","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":"42 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140940654","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Southern Tati: Takestani Dialect","authors":"Neda Taherkhani, Scott Nelson","doi":"10.1017/s0025100323000270","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0025100323000270","url":null,"abstract":"Southern Tati is a North-Western Iranian language in the Indo-European language family. Different varieties of this language group are spoken intermittently in the northern and northwestern parts of Iran, mainly in the Qazvin, Alborz, Markazi, Tehran, Ardabil, Gilan, Zanjan, and Khorasan-e-Shomali provinces. Previous linguistic work on the language consists of multiple descriptive grammars. These include Yarshater’s (1969) analysis of multiple Tati dialects including Takestani, Chali, Eshtehardi, Xiaraji, Ebrahim-abadi, Sagz-abadi, Danesfehani, Esfarvarini, and Xozini, as well as Taheri’s (2009) and Rahmani & Rahmni’s (2021) analyses of the Takestani dialect. The variety of Southern Tati analyzed in this study is the Takestani dialect (tks, ISO 639-3). Takestani is spoken by the Tat community in the city of Takestan, known by its residents as Siayden (IPA: [sijʌˈten]). The speakers of Takestani know their dialect of the Tati language as Siaydiniji (IPA: [sijʌtiniˈd͡ʒi]), as ‘related to the residents of Siaden.’ Figure 1 shows the location of Takestan in the Qazvin province in Iran.","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":"40 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-04-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140572799","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Dynamic blending and assimilation in Catalan lingual fricative sequences. An ultrasound and acoustic study","authors":"Daniel Recasens","doi":"10.1017/s002510032400001x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s002510032400001x","url":null,"abstract":"Ultrasound and center of gravity frequency data for the sequences /ʃ#s/ and /s#ʃ/ produced by Central Catalan speakers reveal that the former sequence is implemented through continuous articulatory and spectral trajectories which, depending on speaker, may be: intermediate between /ʃ/ and /s/ all throughout, thus supporting a dynamic blending mechanism; /ʃ/-like at onset and intermediate between the two fricatives at offset, which is indicative of C1-to-C2 carryover coarticulation. The sequence /s#ʃ/, on the other hand, undergoes regressive assimilation into [ʃ(ʃ)] according to the acoustic signal but less clearly so in the light of the articulatory data. This discrepancy appears to be due to the fact that, while C1=/s/ assimilates indeed to C2=/ʃ/ at constriction location, coarticulation-induced changes in tongue body configuration behind the primary articulator may occur as long as they do not jeopardize the front-cavity dependent frequency characteristics of the [ʃ] frication noise. Differences in articulatory complexity between /ʃ#s/ and /s#ʃ/ appear to result from the production mechanisms involved, i.e., tongue dorsum raising behind the /s/ constriction for /s#ʃ/ and tongue body repositioning for /ʃ#s/. In agreement with this interpretation, /ʃ#s/ but not /s#ʃ/ turned out to be longer than /s#s/ and /ʃ#ʃ/.","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-02-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140025309","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Asymmetrical Stop Inventory of Witzapan Nawat","authors":"Hugo Salgado","doi":"10.1017/s0025100323000294","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0025100323000294","url":null,"abstract":"The stop inventory of Witzapan Nawat, a critically endangered indigenous language of El Salvador, has been traditionally described as consisting only of a voiceless series /p t k k<jats:sup>w</jats:sup>/. In this paper, I measure the voice onset time, consonant duration, and percent voicing in stops produced by five L1 Witzapan Nawat speakers. I find that, while /p t k<jats:sup>w</jats:sup>/ have acoustic characteristics of voiceless stops in practically all contexts, the velar stop in this language is better analyzed as a voiced velar stop /ɡ/ rather than /k/. This results in an asymmetrical and unusual stop system that is not predicted by some theories of phonemic inventory structure. For instance, markedness-based theories propose that /ɡ/ is more marked that /b d/ and predict that, if a language has one voiced stop, it would be /b/ or /d/ rather than /ɡ/. On the other hand, feature-systemic models predict that, if a language has a stop with the [+voice] feature at a given place of articulation, it will also tend to have this feature in stops at other points of articulation to maximize feature economy. The phonemic inventory of Witzapan Nawat contradicts these predictions. I explain the asymmetrical stop inventory of this language as the result of diachronic developments involving sound change and analogy, concluding that language change does not necessarily advance towards symmetry and that phonemic inventories are the reflection of their diachrony, as proposed by Evolutionary Phonology.","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140025306","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The velarized lateral [ɫ] in East Austrian base dialects","authors":"Jan Luttenberger, Nina Weihs, Eva Reinisch","doi":"10.1017/s0025100323000300","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0025100323000300","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This paper is concerned with the velarized lateral [ɫ] as a possible realization of the lateral phoneme /l/ in the rural Central Bavarian base dialects of German in Austria. So far, velarized laterals in Austrian German have mainly been described as a socially marked realization of /l/ in Vienna. However, descriptions of Austrian dialects mostly lack detailed acoustic analyses. Therefore, we analyzed the first two formants of alveolar laterals from dialect speakers in seventeen locations around Vienna that fall into the Central and South Central Bavarian dialect areas. Recordings were taken from the ‘German in Austria’ Corpus, from four speakers per location (two old, two young, each one male, one female), with thirty-two items per speaker with laterals in word-initial and twenty-two in word-final position. We asked whether the degree of velarization as measured by the difference between F2 and F1 (the smaller the more velarized) depends on this linguistic factor of position in the word – as has been shown for other Germanic languages – or social factors including the recording location’s distance from Vienna, age and gender of the speakers. Results showed that velarization was most frequently but not exclusively found in the Eastern region closest to Vienna (Central Bavarian dialects). Non-velarized and velarized laterals tended towards a complementary distribution in initial versus final word position and male speakers showed more velarization overall. Specifically, old speakers in locations close to Vienna tended towards more velarization in word-initial position compared to other regions, matching descriptions of Viennese dialect.</p>","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":"134 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139968398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Acoustic correlates of word stress and focus marking in Udmurt","authors":"Lena Borise, Ekaterina Georgieva","doi":"10.1017/s0025100323000282","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0025100323000282","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we investigate the prosodic realization of stress and focus in Udmurt (Uralic, Permic). According to the literature, Udmurt has fixed final stress, but also has several sets of morphosyntactic exceptions with initial stress. We report the results of two production studies. The first one targets nominals with final stress, and the second one investigates the stress properties of minimal pairs consisting of (i) indicative verbs (<jats:sc>prs.3sg;</jats:sc> final stress) and (ii) imperative verbs (<jats:sc>imp.2sg/pl;</jats:sc> initial stress). To control for the information-structural contexts, the test words are studied in contexts that elicit narrow focus either on the test word (‘F’ condition) or on another constituent (‘non-F’ condition). The results show that all four acoustic parameters surveyed in the paper – duration, intensity, fundamental frequency (f0), and first formant (F1) values – participate in stress marking in Udmurt. The results for focus marking vary by study and demonstrate that all cues except for intensity may be involved in focus marking. At the same time, we find wide interspeaker variation with respect to the acoustic cues marking stress and/or focus. Finally, we outline a preliminary Autosegmental-Metrical interpretation of our f0 results; a full account of Udmurt intonation awaits further research.","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":"143 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-01-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139581140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Samuel Akinbo, Avery Ozburn, Gerald Nweya, Douglas Pulleyblank
{"title":"Eleven vowels of Imilike Igbo including ATR and RTR schwa","authors":"Samuel Akinbo, Avery Ozburn, Gerald Nweya, Douglas Pulleyblank","doi":"10.1017/s0025100323000245","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0025100323000245","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In this paper, we examine the acoustics of vowels in the Imilike [ìmìlìkè] dialect of Igbo (Igboid, Niger-Congo), which has not previously been done. While Standard Igbo has eight vowels, previous auditorily-based research has identified eleven vowels in Imilike. Like Standard Igbo, Imilike contrasts vowels in Advanced/Retracted Tongue Root (ATR vs. RTR). We find that there are eleven vowels, distinguished most reliably by F1, B1, energy (dB) of voiced sound below 500Hz and duration. The results of this study also suggest that RTR vowels in Imilike might involve the laryngeal constriction and movement that accompany pharyngealization. The ATR and RTR schwas have similar phonological distribution and acoustic patterns as the other ATR and RTR vowels in the language.</p>","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138817189","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ibrahim Al Malwi, Alfredo Herrero de Haro, Amanda Baker
{"title":"Abha Arabic","authors":"Ibrahim Al Malwi, Alfredo Herrero de Haro, Amanda Baker","doi":"10.1017/s0025100323000269","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0025100323000269","url":null,"abstract":"Abha Arabic is a dialect of Arabic (ISO 693-3: ara), belonging to the Semitic language family group, and spoken primarily in Abha city. Abha Arabic can be broadly classified as a variety of Arabic from the Arabian Peninsula group (Versteegh, 2014), and further sub-classified as a south (-west) Arabian dialect (Ingham, 1982). Abha city is the administrative capital of the province of Asir, in south-west Saudi Arabia (Figure 1). The population of Abha is approximately 290,185 and that of the Asir province is 1,601,725, according to the most recent data on the population (General Authority for Statistics, 2010). The province is named after the Asir tribe, who first inhabited Abha and the surrounding regions. The present day Abha Arabic dialect thus represents a blending of Bedouin and urban dialects. The first settlers to Abha were the Bani-Mghed tribe (an Asir tribe) followed by three additional Asir tribes (Alkam, Rabiah w Rufeda, Bani-Malik) and other nearby tribes such as the Gahtaːn, Bal-lahmir, Bal-lasmir, Shahran, Rejal Alma’, all of which had distinct dialects (Al-Azraqi, 1998). These dialects merged to varying degrees and were further influenced by urban education and mass media, which were and continue to be dominated by Modern Standard Arabic (henceforth MSA) (Al-Azraqi, 1998).<jats:sup>1</jats:sup>","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":"16 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138526643","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Nuer","authors":"Tatiana Reid","doi":"10.1017/s0025100323000191","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0025100323000191","url":null,"abstract":"Nuer (ISO 6393: nus/Glottocode: nuer1246) is a Nilo-Saharan language (Nilo-Saharan, Eastern Sudanic, Nilotic, Western, Dinka-Nuer). The sound system of Nuer is of particular interest because the language has a rich inventory of vocalic and suprasegmental distinctions, including a large number of vowel phonemes, a voice quality contrast (modal versus breathy), three levels of vowel length, and a tonal inventory that interacts with the voice quality contrast.","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":"198 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138526641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Francesco Burroni, Sireemas Maspong, Pittayawat Pittayaporn, Pimthip Kochaiyaphum
{"title":"An exploratory investigation of interactions between syllabic prominence, initial geminates, and phrasal boundaries in Pattani Malay","authors":"Francesco Burroni, Sireemas Maspong, Pittayawat Pittayaporn, Pimthip Kochaiyaphum","doi":"10.1017/s0025100323000233","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0025100323000233","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigates interactions among relative syllabic prominence, initial geminates (IGs), and prosodic boundaries in Pattani Malay (PM) against a background of previous analyses claiming that IGs are moraic and trigger a ‘stress shift’ or the linking of a pitch accent to the initial syllable. We conducted an acoustic study with fourteen PM speakers, producing singleton–IG minimal pairs in naturalistic sentences. Our results show that the presence of IGs is not associated with the hypothesized phonological changes. Instead, it is associated with moderate increases in the duration of initial syllables, the intensity of the initial syllable vowels, and the f0 of the initial and final syllable vowels. On the other hand, the presence of a phrase-final prosodic boundary correlates with more drastic changes: in phrase-final position, final syllables exhibit final lengthening and falling contours of f0 and intensity, while, in the phrase-medial position, no lengthening is observed and f0 contours are rising. Furthermore, the effects of IGs are strongest in the phrase-final position, suggesting interactions between IGs and prosodic boundaries. Taken together, results cast doubts on the claim that IGs are moraic and associated with categorical differences in syllabic prominence profiles in PM and show that IG effects are modulated by prosodic boundaries.","PeriodicalId":46444,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the International Phonetic Association","volume":"8 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138526635","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}