New Political Science最新文献

{"title":"When Homonationalism Becomes Hegemonic: “Homohegemony” and a Meaningfully Materialist Queer Studies","authors":"K. Jackson","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2021.1995806","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2021.1995806","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT There is limited Marxist, Marxian, or otherwise explicitly materialist queer studies scholarship. While such scholarship is growing, it remains underdeveloped compared to the post-structural strain. This is a serious omission because we need the tools of materialist analyses now more than ever to grapple with incredibly important economic and political issues that are not being discussed nearly enough within queer studies/social movements, such as LGBTQI2S youth homelessness. This discussion can be seen as a modest move in this direction, arguing for the utility of a novel materialist concept, “homohegemony,” to describe, explain, and deconstruct queer new ideological and institutional realities that we find ourselves embedded in, over a decade since Puar’s pathbreaking and incredibly important coining of “homonationalism.” The article theorizes “homohegemony” in order to make a broader case that more materialist interventions into queer studies are needed and have value, particularly in times when homonationalism is increasingly “common sense.”","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"43 1","pages":"469 - 485"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45176052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Remaking Appalachia: Ecosocialism, Ecofeminism, and Law","authors":"Barry L. Tadlock","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2021.1995824","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2021.1995824","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"43 1","pages":"510 - 512"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47300120","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Beyond Ideal Theory: Foundations for a Critical Rawlsian Theory of Climate Justice","authors":"P. Clements, Paul Formosa","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2021.1994842","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2021.1994842","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Rawls’s contractualist approach to justice is well known for its adoption of ideal theory. This approach starts by setting out the political goal or ideal and leaves it to non-ideal or partial compliance theory to map out how to get there. However, Rawls’s use of ideal theory has been criticized by Sen from the right and by Mouffe from the left. We critically address these concerns in the context of developing a Rawlsian approach to climate justice. While the importance of non-ideal theory for climate justice is increasingly being understood, its strategic and institutional importance for a Rawlsian approach needs further elaboration. We focus on the role of the Kantian conception of the reasonable and rational powers of persons in Rawls’s work and show how this helps us to develop a partial compliance theory that focuses on the importance of institutions and strategic political action for achieving climate justice.","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"43 1","pages":"486 - 505"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44851751","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Seeing like a Socialist: On Socialist Worldviews from Polanyi to Taylor to Now","authors":"J. Grant, Mallory Dunlop","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2021.2002093","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2021.2002093","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this article we argue that reinvigorating socialist politics requires championing a socialist worldview that goes beyond the critique of capitalism. Neglecting such an outlook leaves socialism tethered to the fortunes of capitalism and inhibits a broader account of its own virtues. We begin by explaining why worldview thinking is appropriate today. Then we examine two underappreciated works by Karl Polanyi (his 1927 lecture “On Freedom”) and Charles Taylor (his 1974 essay “Socialism and Weltanschauung”). Each treats worldview thinking as indispensable and we use them as catalysts for developing a socialist vision. Finally, we bring our insights to bear on the worldview potential of socialist republicanism. We contend that a promising worldview emerges by elaborating the following components: a political anthropology of human possibilities; anti-capitalism, social freedom, and non-domination; socialist civic virtues; and the promise and limits of pluralism.","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"43 1","pages":"403 - 420"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45902694","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Commodifying COVID-19: Humanitarian Communication at the Onset of a Global Pandemic","authors":"M. Atal, L. Richey","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2021.1997538","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2021.1997538","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Corporations have become prominent actors in responding to COVID-19. Within the context of increasing privatization of humanitarianism and marketization of social justice, corporate marketing has played a part in the “interpretive battles” to define the global crisis of COVID-19. Understanding corporate COVID-19 communications contributes to understanding the politics of the global pandemic. This article analyzes companies’ humanitarian communications during the early phase of COVID-19 in Europe and North America to identify how their messages define COVID-19 and justified particular responses. We find that brands constructed COVID-19 as a crisis of expertise and logistics, a crisis of resources and capital, and a crisis of the self. In response to these crises, corporations provide products to “help” consumers to manage the pandemic and to manage themselves. These humanitarian narratives make the case that business has a concrete role to play in solving crises and present individual consumption as a humanitarian act.","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"43 1","pages":"421 - 450"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44312838","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Fundamental Feminism: Radical Feminist History for the Future (Second Edition)","authors":"Sara Wenger","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2021.1995827","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2021.1995827","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"43 1","pages":"514 - 515"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46374540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Aporias in Greece and Spain’s Left-Wing Inclusionary Populism","authors":"E. Fanoulis, S. Guerra","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2021.1954438","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2021.1954438","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Populism has gained new momentum in Southern Europe during the financial crisis. Germany’s role as top creditor fueled anger toward traditional political elites in Greece, whereas Podemos exploited the same crisis in Spain to “generate discursively a popular identity that [could] be politicized.” Drawing upon Derrida’s aporetic notion of hospitality, the article argues that left-wing populism in Greece and Spain projects an antagonistic Other. This Other, both threatening and welcomed at the home of the people, oscillates ambiguously between images of the EU and corrupted national political elites. To support this argument, our narrative proceeds with comparative discourse analysis, looking at speeches of political leaders in the run-up of elections in the two countries.","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"43 1","pages":"339 - 354"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07393148.2021.1954438","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49196285","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Great Migration and the Democratic Party: Black Voters and the Realignment of American Politics in the 20th Century","authors":"Philip Yaure","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2021.1957315","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2021.1957315","url":null,"abstract":"Between 1916 and 1970, more than 6.5 million Black Americans left rural southern homes for cities across the North and West. This Great Migration was transformational for Black migrants themselves, who sought jobs, housing, and the ballot which they were denied in the Jim Crow South. (We should, of course, not romanticize the limited opportunities northern cities offered in these regards.) But political scientist Keneshia N. Grant’s The Great Migration and the Democratic Party: Black Voters and the Realignment of American Politics in the 20 Century urges scholars to recognize the Great Migration not only as a process through which Black Americans were shaped but also as a vehicle through which Black Americans themselves actively reshaped the nation. Focusing on Detroit, New York, and Chicago, Grant argues that Black migrants harnessed political power to decisively shift the calculus for Democratic politicians in northern cities to address Black interests, as well as altering the make-up of party elites and officeholders to secure Black representation. The political agency of Black Americans manifest in the Great Migration is a case study, for Grant, in “how people change the politics of a place” (5). Central to Grant’s analysis is the claim that the growing Black population in northern cities wielded greater influence over the Democratic Party because they more frequently stood as the balance of power in municipal and state elections: The Black voting age population was often larger than the margin of victory in an election, so that a decisive win among Black voters could decide a race. (Here Grant builds on prior work that examines the Black balance of power in national elections during the Great Migration (2019).) Politicians and parties were more responsive to the Black electorate – adopting policies Black voters widely supported and cooperating with Black candidates – when victory hung in the balance. This core idea has intuitive force. Moreover, it was an idea, Grant observes, developed and deployed by Black intellectuals in the period (26–27). Grant traces the claim that Black people held a balance of power in American electoral politics to journalist T. Thomas Fortune’s 1886 pamphlet “The Negro in Politics,” in which he urged Black voters to temper their loyalty to the Republican Party for the sake of combating post-Reconstruction white retrenchment. W. E. B. Du Bois inserted the concept into public discourse around the 1920 presidential election, noting that “the Negro voter easily holds the balance of power” in a number of pivotal states – if they voted as a bloc. Henry Lee Moon’s Balance of Power: The Negro Vote (1948) provided the touchstone scholarly treatment of the concept, which he used “to persuade political parties and candidates that the Black population should be a top priority in parties’ strategies” (Grant, 27). Yet Grant’s analysis shows that important puzzles arise when we apply a traditional balance-of-power analysis to no","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"43 1","pages":"372 - 374"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07393148.2021.1957315","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43344396","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Making the World Global: U.S. Universities and the Production of the Global Imaginary","authors":"Rohan Kalyan","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2021.1957314","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2021.1957314","url":null,"abstract":"Globalization is no longer the buzz word that it once was. In the long aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis, it may even be said that we are living in a moment of profound skepticism regarding the very idea of globalization. And yet, as Isaac Kamola suggests in Making the World Global, even at such moments of doubt, there is a paradoxical assumption that globalization is self-evidently happening, and that the world today exists “as a single, global space” that is “being drawn ever closer together,” for better or for worse (3). Kamola is less interested in refuting the idea that globalization is happening and instead poses a different set of questions. How did the world come to be imagined as self-evidently “global” in the first place? What precisely does it mean to imagine the world as “global” in this way? And finally, what other possible imaginations of the world are elided in the process of making the world “global” as such? These questions draw Kamola into the world of academic knowledge producers and social science researchers laboring in a country with a disproportionate interest in imagining the world as “global,” namely, the expansionist United States during and after the Cold War. Kamola’s book comprises a sequence of institutional biographies of “the global imaginary” as it emerged in the U.S. during this time period. Rather than being apolitical spaces of scientific inquiry, institutions of knowledge production were spaces of ideological reproduction within a “military-industrial-academic complex.” As Kamola shows, these institutional spaces played a key role in generating and stabilizing the very “global imaginary” that made it possible not just to see (and thus study) “globalization” as a self-evident phenomenon but, perhaps even more importantly, to unsee or otherwise marginalize other ways of imagining the world. As in Freudian psychoanalysis, much of the theory in this book is implicit in the methodology and description. But the parallel goes deeper than this. In the sole part of the book that is explicitly “theoretical” (the last section of the Introduction), Kamola notes his debt to the French Marxian philosopher Louis Althusser, underlining the place of the university within what Althusser famously called the “Ideological State Apparatus” (ISA). Here I want to identify an alternative Althusserian resonance in Kamola’s text, namely, one that bridges between Marx and Freud and Lacan, that is, between Marxian analysis and psychoanalysis. This move is justified, I argue, because Kamola himself poses one of his book’s central questions in just these terms when he asks, in the context of the rise of globalization as a discourse in the 1990s and 2000s, “What was the massive expansion of global-speak a symptom of?” (xv, emphasis mine). Kamola’s is a “symptomatic” reading of the globalization archive as it manifests from a specific site. Elite knowledge producing institutions and select figures working within them. In psychoanalysis, ","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"43 1","pages":"368 - 369"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07393148.2021.1957314","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47632261","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Left Feminists Across Generations","authors":"J. Grant, L. K. Olson, A. Olson","doi":"10.1080/07393148.2021.1957313","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2021.1957313","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46114,"journal":{"name":"New Political Science","volume":"43 1","pages":"355 - 367"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/07393148.2021.1957313","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41397654","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}