{"title":"Vietnam’s growing economic integration with the world: more or less Asian?","authors":"Guanie Lim, Chengwei Xu, Dang Thai Binh","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00726-3","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00726-3","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This paper analyzes Vietnam’s growing economic integration with the rest of the world, illustrating its changing position in global investment and trade amidst recent US-China geopolitical competition, in addition to longer-term supply chain reorientation. Examining longitudinal data on foreign direct investment (FDI) and trade over the past two decades, the paper makes three arguments. First, the East Asian economies have collectively emerged as significant providers of FDI to Vietnam. In particular, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Japan, Korea, and Taiwan have challenged and even usurped the EU and the USA, especially in the wake of the 2008 global economic crisis. This also suggests Vietnam’s tighter integration into what is loosely termed “Factory Asia.” Second, Vietnam has indeed become a “connector economy” interlinking the US and Chinese economies. Vietnam’s imports are heavily dependent on key Northeast Asian economies, particularly China, while its exports are largely driven by demand from the US market. Our analysis demonstrates Vietnam’s conformance to the “supply in East, consume in West” model that earlier regional industrializers adopted in their high-growth era. Third, Vietnam’s openness towards FDI has indirectly stunted its domestic technological advancement. FDI has largely been directed towards export-oriented industries that are usually enclaved, resulting in modest linkages with Vietnam’s domestic firms. Bypassed by such FDI, Vietnamese firms primarily operate in cosseted industries like real estate, retail, and other services, with meager involvement in export and long-term capability building.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 2-3","pages":"435 - 456"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145196212","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Geger Riyanto, Ardhitya Eduard Yeremia, Rini Astuti, La Husen Zuada, Ahmad Hidayat, Inaya Rakhmani
{"title":"Various visions of the industrialized future: anxiety, aspiration, and Chinese nickel investment in Indonesia","authors":"Geger Riyanto, Ardhitya Eduard Yeremia, Rini Astuti, La Husen Zuada, Ahmad Hidayat, Inaya Rakhmani","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00727-2","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00727-2","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This paper, which examines the affective landscape created by Chinese nickel investment in Indonesia, seeks to better understand how actors at various scales and networks respond to China’s global rise. While state-centered perspectives dominated analyses of responses to China’s global action, we want to unpack Indonesians’ anxious and hopeful reactions across multiple fragmented but interconnected contexts. The majority of the involved actors, whether national, regional, or local, associate Chinese investment with the nickel industrialization project. Nonetheless, each actor, standing on a different scale and network in front of the project, has their own set of interests and visions for their future with it. National policymakers are establishing it as a symbol of national development success, while others on a national scale are criticizing it, citing how it marginalizes local communities and destroys their environments. On the other hand, local communities and workers are readjusting to industrialization in ways that betray their national actors’ expectations, envisioning their everyday future with the presence of a new giant bringing opportunities and uncertainties.\u0000</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 2-3","pages":"369 - 391"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145196198","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"From Indo-Pacific back to Euro-Atlantic? The Ukraine War and the EU’s strategic reorientation","authors":"Xianbai Ji","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00725-4","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00725-4","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>The paper examines the European Union’s (EU) nascent Indo-Pacific strategy, highlighting the significant influence of the Ukraine War on Brussels’ policy direction in the vast region extending across the Indian and Pacific oceans. Since the end of the Cold War, the EU’s focus was predominantly on a narrowly defined Asia, but this has expanded under the influence of key member states like France, Germany, and the Netherlands to include the broader Indo-Pacific region. The 2021 EU Indo-Pacific strategy covers sustainability, green transition, digital governance, and regional security, but it faces varying priorities among member states and external geopolitical changes. Crucially, the Ukraine War has redirected the EU’s focus and resources towards urgent issues in Eastern Europe, thereby negatively impacting its engagement in the Indo-Pacific. This ongoing shift is primarily driven by immediate security concerns arising from the crisis, alongside a recalibrated stance on China and diplomatic fissure with key partners such as India. Furthermore, the EU’s renewed reliance on economic diplomacy has shown limitations in addressing the complex security landscape of the Indo-Pacific. Thus, while the Ukraine War underscores the importance of maintaining a rules-based international order in the Indo-Pacific, the EU’s ability to uphold this order is increasingly constrained by the war in Ukraine.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"24 on","pages":"151 - 171"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147607330","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Cooperative or clubbish? AUKUS order-engineering and EU normative power in the Indo-Pacific","authors":"Sarah Tzinieris, Zeno Leoni, Mauro Bonavita","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00723-6","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00723-6","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This article draws on the concept of “orders of exclusion” to analyze the strategic rationale of AUKUS and the implications of the trilateral security pact for the Indo-Pacific. Taking a world order approach, the article argues that by embodying the core Anglosphere group of nations and by allowing only a limited form of technology collaboration with outsiders, there is a risk that AUKUS is perceived by regional states as an exclusionary framework, which as a consequence could undermine its legitimacy. The article also argues that AUKUS is part of a broader effort of geostrategic order-engineering by Washington to update the liberal order in a way that ensures continued American primacy in the Indo-Pacific. The article further reflects on how the European Union is a traditional advocate of normative power and the rules-based order, and thus considers how the bloc might potentially cooperate with the AUKUS partners to create more regional legitimacy, albeit that ultimately such external actors can only ever operate an exclusive order in the Indo-Pacific. Despite the Anglosphere nations and the EU cultivating different visions for the Indo-Pacific, recent developments like Russia’s war in Ukraine and the EU’s recent “principled pragmatism” are serving to enhance cohesion within the Western bloc. Still, this is a fragile construction, now under severe pressure with the arrival of President Trump.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"24 on","pages":"57 - 71"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-04-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/s10308-025-00723-6.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"147606495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Rethinking Sino-Japanese competition: the diffusion of economic statecraft","authors":"Karl Yan, Jing Su","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00724-5","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00724-5","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been one of the primary vehicles through which China exports its infrastructure and developmental standards. China’s expanding ambitions to become an international standard-setter compelled a Japanese response. Shinzo Abe’s government has initiated strategies such as the Partnership for Quality Infrastructure. This paper juxtaposes the Chinese and Japanese approaches to securing their position in the global governance of infrastructure finance, with a particular focus on the high-speed railway industry. It posits that economic statecraft has diffused from Japan to China and then back to Japan. In emulating Chinese economic statecraft, Japan has increased state involvement in infrastructure project exports and centralized authority within the Prime Minister’s Office. The permeation of such statecraft and the apparent escalation of Sino-Japanese competition bear significant consequences for regional trade and developmental cooperation regimes. This heightened competition may initially afford South and Southeast Asian nations a broader choice of service and infrastructure providers. In the long run, if the competition solidifies, secondary states might find themselves compelled to integrate into either China’s hub-and-spoke model or Japan’s reinvigorated production networks. Moreover, such integration could render secondary states dependent on the technology and finance supplied by regional great powers. However, the eventual structure of the region will likely depend on how these two major powers navigate their rivalry. As South and Southeast Asian states and corporations become entwined in both states’ geopolitical and geoeconomic networks, we cannot rule out the evolution of a latticework of intersecting relationships.</p>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 2-3","pages":"415 - 433"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2025-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/s10308-025-00724-5.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145196210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The United Kingdom-Korea-Japan free trade agreement with the reduction in tariffs and non-tariff measures on trade and welfare","authors":"Chae-Deug Yi","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00722-7","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00722-7","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This study examined the effects of the UK–Korea–Japan free trade agreement (FTA) with the removal of import tariffs and non-tariff measures (NTMs) on real GDP, exports, imports, and welfare using a computable general equilibrium model. The simulation results showed that just using tariff elimination without NTMs leads to underestimation of the effects of the FTA. The trilateral UK–Korea–Japan FTA will be more beneficial than the bilateral UK–Korea and UK–Japan FTAs and will increase GDPs and exports in the UK, Korea, and Japan more over time. In contrast, China, the USA, and the EU will decrease their exports to the UK, Korea, and Japan. Although both the UK and Korea will see large trade creation effects on imports from Japan, China, the USA, and the EU will decrease their imports. The UK–Korea–Japan FTA will also bring much larger welfare gains to the UK, Korea, and Japan than the two bilateral FTAs. Thus, the UK–Korea–Japan FTA will provide more economic gains over periods than the current UK–Korea and UK–Japan FTAs.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 1","pages":"117 - 150"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2025-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143778143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Chinese views of ‘Global Britain’: evidence from the government, media, and scholars","authors":"Biao Zhang, Ruike Xu","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00721-8","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00721-8","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>Under the slogan ‘Global Britain’, the UK has pursued a range of foreign policy roles. While existing studies focus on the UK’s self-conception of these roles—including a faithful (US) ally, a force for good, a European partner, a Commonwealth leader, a great power, and a global trading state—few have examined other countries’ perceptions in detail. This article examines reactions to these roles of the Chinese government, media, and scholars by drawing on role theory. It reveals two key findings. First, the Chinese government completely rejects the UK’s roles as a faithful ally and a force for good, overlooks the roles of a Commonwealth leader and a European partner, and supports its roles as a global trading state and a great power. Second, while Chinese media and scholars share the government’s rejection of the faithful ally and force for good roles, they somewhat disagree with the government over the rest of these roles. These findings, which highlight the complexity of Chinese role expectations, contribute to studies of British foreign policy, role theory, and China-UK relations.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 1","pages":"99 - 116"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2025-03-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143778142","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Managing the COVID-19 pandemic in varied frameworks of trust, transparency, and governance capacity: evidence from China, the UK, Hong Kong, and Taiwan","authors":"Dionysios Stivas, Alistair Cole","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00719-2","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00719-2","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>By illuminating the mode of health crisis management in the four distinct jurisdictions of China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and the UK, this article considers how varying trust-transparency mixes provide a context for understanding the public governance of the COVID-19 pandemic. The article builds on publicly available surveys, governmental documents, and observations of the assessed administrations’ response to the COVID-19 pandemic. The study covers the period between January 2020 and April 2022. We conclude that though trust is an important element for controlling the virus, transparency is the precondition for a longer-term resilient and sustainable policy response. Trust-transparency mixes matter because they feed through into governance capacity. While transparency is the prerequisite for a longer-term robust and sustainable policy response, trust is essential for managing the virus in the short term. Governance capacity needs to be understood as a contingent, context-specific quality, in the sense of a legitimate steering mechanism.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 1","pages":"81 - 98"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2025-02-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143778141","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"East Central Europe’s exposure to China: ephemeral sources of susceptibility","authors":"Kamala Valiyeva","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00718-3","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00718-3","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>China’s presence in ECE is characterized by its fragmented structure and continued divergences between societal perceptions and political stances toward Beijing, thereby rendering the exposure to its influence ephemeral. The ECE-China engagements transcend the conventional framework of material-economic considerations, veering into the domain of ideational influences, wherein it predominantly manifests through elite-level identity dynamics and the intricacies of rhetorical politics. Within this premise, the paper employs analytical eclecticism to operationalize theories on normative power and symbolic domination in synthesis with the concepts of liminality and elite capture to explain ECE’s exposure to China. With an emphasis on the historical ideational paradigms and institutional-political dynamics, the paper delineates two pivotal factors that were instrumental in elucidating the contours of regional vulnerability. First, it foregrounds the historical geopolitical liminality of ECE, dissecting its contemporary expression in the strategic rivalry between the development models propagated by the EU and China. This juxtaposition is starkly characterized by a cleavage between Beijing’s pragmatic-driven framework embodied in the 16/14 + 1 platform and ECE’s existence within a values-based paradigm upheld by Brussels. Within this dichotomy of fundamentally divergent development paradigms, ECE nations undergoing an illiberal turn or lacking in resilient state capacity yet striving to assert their geopolitical subjectivity have increasingly displayed an eastward pivot in their foreign relations. Secondly, the paper addresses the interplay between post-communist institutional development and elite formation and their correlation with susceptibility to China’s influence, emphasizing the elite capture phenomenon, predominantly evident among the more authoritarian-leaning countries of the region.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 1","pages":"57 - 79"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2025-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/s10308-025-00718-3.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143778140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"On the relationship between corruption and political ideology: the case of South Korea","authors":"Hyun Jong Kim, Sol Lim, Tae-Hwan Kim, Yunmi Kim","doi":"10.1007/s10308-025-00720-9","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s10308-025-00720-9","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This article empirically investigates the relative effectiveness of political regimes liberal versus conservative in combating corruption in South Korea. Two corruption indices, the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) by Transparency International and the Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) by the World Bank, are employed to measure corruption levels. Through mean difference analysis and regression analysis, some strong and consistent empirical evidence emerges, suggesting that the liberal regime might have proven more effective in combating corruption in South Korea than its conservative counterpart, assuming that the perceived levels of corruption, as measured by both CPI and WGI, serve as reasonable approximations of the actual level of corruption.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":45680,"journal":{"name":"Asia Europe Journal","volume":"23 1","pages":"23 - 55"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2025-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143778137","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}