Nationalism and Ethnic Politics最新文献

{"title":"Central Peripheries: Nationhood in Central Asia","authors":"S. L. Pinnell","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2060401","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2060401","url":null,"abstract":"women and men more clearly would have helped bring forward the human, rather than group-based, dimension of the “Armenian issue.” Thus, the perspectives of ordinary people get lost throughout the book. In this regard, Zabel Yesayan, an Armenian novelist, is worth mentioning in a detailed way because she was the only female intellectual targeted for arrest and deportation by the CUP. Centrally, the importance of political context that influenced the Turkish government’s approach is not clearly laid out throughout. While mentioning Turkish intellectuals’ anti-Armenian attitude, Cheterian refers to their support for Yaşar Kemal, a landmark name in Turkish literature, due to his comments criticizing state policies against the Kurds. According to the author, the same intellectuals were never interested in the “Armenian issue,” and so they were all distant (p. 137). This argument is ambiguous partly because Cheterian ignores the novelty of the “Armenian issue” for Turkish intellectuals. The final point is related to the editing of the book. Some Turkish words, including proper nouns, are misspelled and could be easily spotted by a native Turkish corrector. To conclude, Open Wounds shows how the past influences today through the critical aspects of the reception of the “Armenian issue.” It is a valuable and insightful analysis that could be beneficial to the general audience and the experts of the topic. It also reveals what the literature needs: a complete, thorough, and well-rounded historical evaluation of intellectual debates about the issue because not only the factuality but also how this issue has been debated through time provides us the strategies to heal the bleeding wounds.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90206790","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Why Do People Discriminate against Jews?","authors":"F. Naz","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2060378","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2060378","url":null,"abstract":"by events. Nevertheless, from time to time, there are passages of the book that still resonate. For example, while explaining the changes in the impact of nationalism in the third period, he writes: “This does not mean that individuals became in this period more outrageously nationalist in sentiment or more unwilling to co-operate with their fellow-men of other nations” (p.15) and “evil men will always be found to turn an unhealthy situation to account” (p.23). How changes in the wider international context shape the character of political movements remains an area that deserves more attention than it typically receives. Another example: “The movement which dismembered Austria-Hungary and created Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia was bound to be succeeded by movements for the dismemberment of Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia” (p.19). A critic might mutter that while events were ultimately to vindicate Carr’s judgment about the long-term future of these two countries, this was to take a number of generations. His postscript contains a statement that will raise a smile among readers; “It is conceivable that a shattered Europe, rising above the national hatreds and conflicts of the past, may throw up from within a new and unifying leadership which would enable her to develop and hold a position independent of both Britain and Russia” (p.59). Admittedly, both the “Britain” and “Russia” that Carr was envisaging when he wrote these words have long gone. Another part of the problem of the book, from the perspective of today’s readers, is that it advances propositions about the politically contingent nature of nationalism that have become so well established and so widely accepted that they do not require justification through reference to classic texts, whether by Carr or anyone else. Indeed, what most scholars of nationalism continue to grapple with is explaining the continuing potency of specific nationalisms, in spite of the debunking of nationalist myths of every kind. Included in the book are a series of endorsements of the new edition from leading scholars. Their warm welcome for its publication is primarily focused on Cox’s introduction. That is fully deserved. It may also be read as a suggestion to readers that they should not expect too much from Carr’s commentary itself.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78624380","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Nationalism and After (with New Introduction by Michael Cox)","authors":"A. Guelke","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2060372","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2060372","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83118179","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"“It Will Do No More than Annoy the Protestants”: The 1991 Northern Ireland Census and the Irish Language","authors":"Laurence Cooley","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2052594","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2052594","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Making use of archival sources, this article reconstructs the decision-making process behind the addition of an Irish language question to the 1991 Northern Ireland census. It highlights a distinctive feature of the case: whereas such decisions usually result from state-society interactions, the question was rather suggested by the Irish government, using the role granted to it by the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement to act as a kin state to promote the cultural interests of nationalists in Northern Ireland. Officials in Belfast were initially reluctant to accede to this request, though feared refusal might result in a repeat of nationalist boycotts of previous censuses. Ultimately, the precedent set by language questions employed in Wales and Scotland made exclusion hard to justify and officials reluctantly agreed to the question, coming to see the precedent as a useful argument with which to fend off potential unionist opposition, which they feared might have resulted in a rival boycott. The inclusion of the question has subsequently had significant consequences for political claims-making about the status of the Irish language in Northern Ireland.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83014295","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Reserved Seats and Cooptation in Burundi (2000–2020)","authors":"S. Vandeginste","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2047248","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2047248","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Using a lifecycle perspective, this paper analyzes the use of reserved seats and the evolution of cooptation norms and practices in Burundi between the signature of the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement in 2000 and the 2020 legislative elections. Value-driven objectives, such as minority protection, only partly explain their use and design. The adoption, functionality and recent transformation of electoral cooptation were also determined by realpolitik, most notably by the elites’ struggle for positions and the balance of power. Cooptation had important effects on ethnic cohabitation within parliamentary factions. The paper contributes to the literature on the micro-institutions of power-sharing.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90668032","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Defensive Nationalism: Where Populism Meets Nationalism","authors":"B. Rabinowitz","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2031689","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2031689","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract With the 21st century surge of populism, a debate has emerged over the relationship between nationalism and populism. Some scholars maintain these two phenomena are distinct and should be analytically differentiated; others hold the difference between the two is primarily an artifact of how the scholarship has evolved around each. To bridge these positions, this paper argues that by reorganizing our typologies of nationalism, we can better account for why populism seems to have become fused with nationalism. To do so, it introduces a new typology that distinguishes among state-creating, state-consolidating and state-defensive nationalisms. Applying this new typology, the case made is that we are experiencing a convergence of populism and nationalism today because we are currently in an era of defensive nationalism.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75413111","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Illiberal Nationalism and the Backlash against Liberal Cosmopolitanism in Post-Communist Europe","authors":"Paul Kubicek","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2022.2029082","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2022.2029082","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article analyses the fate of liberal nationalism in the post-communist space and the rise of illiberal variants in recent years. It explores how liberalism has been decoupled from nationalism and is now closely associated with cosmopolitanism, which supports universal rights while downplaying notions of national citizenship. The result is that, as publics have grown sour on globalization and institutions such as the European Union, illiberal nationalism has become the “default” nationalist response. While recognizing that this reaction holds across much of Europe, it investigates the rise of illiberal nationalism in Hungary and Poland. In addition to analyzing actions and statements of political elites, it presents public opinion data to argue that there remains a pronounced East-West gap on several fundamental issues.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-02-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80849395","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"National Buildings for Nation-Building: The Case of England's and France's National Football Stadiums","authors":"Kidron Anat, Orr Levental","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2021.2022665","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2021.2022665","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Buildings that contribute either directly or indirectly to the formation of a national identity are typically associated with historical monuments. Mega-structures such as national football stadiums, which were built as national monuments but were designed to meet functional needs as well, play a similar role. This paper examines these mega-structures, and specifically national football stadiums, through a critical review of two such stadiums, one in England and one in France, that represent an anomaly in the European context. The paper offers a local and global perspective based on nationality, geography, and sports theories. Our findings suggest that despite the differences between the two countries, they demonstrate a consensus regarding the need to build a national stadium. While this consensus is embedded in each country's colonial past, in both cases it reflects an inner need to cope with the decline of the imperial power and with the undermining of the homogenous social structure as a result of immigration.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-01-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85361716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Competing -Isms in the Horn of Africa: The Rise and Fall of Pan-Ethiopianism and Pan-Somalism","authors":"John A. Zahorik","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2021.2004766","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2021.2004766","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In the 1960s, Africa was heavily influenced by Pan-Africanist ideals promoted by great leaders such as Kwame Nkrumah. At the same time, it was also an era of other great -isms entering the African continent, namely Socialism, Marxism, Pan-Arabism, Pan-Islamism, and regional varieties of Pan-Movements. This article assesses two such pan-movements, namely, Pan-Ethiopianism and Pan-Somalism, which had very explosive and competing characters. This article examines the different historical roots of both movements (Pan-Ethiopianism and Pan-Somalism) and their competing elements. It also analyzes how relevant they are for our understanding of historical developments in the region of the Horn of Africa up until the present day.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84424844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Securitization of Muslims in Myanmar’s Early Transition (2010–15)","authors":"Erin Bijl, Chris van der Borgh","doi":"10.1080/13537113.2021.2003624","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2021.2003624","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Between 2010 and 2015, as Myanmar transitioned from authoritarian rule to a more liberal and democratic state, its Muslim population increasingly faced hate speech and violence. This article goes beyond analyses that regard the growing anti-Muslim sentiment as a consequence of a liberalized media environment, enabling people to voice long-standing grievances and prejudice. Rather, the notion of a “Muslim threat” to Myanmar’s Buddhist population is approached as the outcome of a dynamic process of securitization in which an alliance of political and religious elites was forged whose discourse changed the rules of the political field, forcing the reform-oriented opposition into strategic silence. It is argued that in the early period of liberalization, anti-Muslim frames were normalized and thus shaped the securitization of Muslims.","PeriodicalId":45342,"journal":{"name":"Nationalism and Ethnic Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79549161","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}