African Security Review最新文献

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Economic threat, new nationalism and xenophobia in South Africa: Some reflections 南非的经济威胁、新民族主义和仇外心理:几点思考
IF 0.8
African Security Review Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2109976
Darlington Mutanda
{"title":"Economic threat, new nationalism and xenophobia in South Africa: Some reflections","authors":"Darlington Mutanda","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2109976","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2109976","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The perceived economic threat has given rise to narrow nationalism in South Africa, which has given birth to direct, cultural and structural forms of violence, commonly referred to as xenophobia, which is actually Afrophobia. The main argument is that in as much as there is evidence of the influx of mainly African migrants in South Africa, and these have been largely accused of various crimes and contributing to rising unemployment, this perception trivialises the need for a multipronged and people-centred approach to South Africa’s and Africa’s underlying domestic challenges. Xenophobia should not be seen as only a South African but also an Africa problem, which consequently requires a national and continental response strategy. This then implies that South Africa has a role in stemming the challenges that have given impetus to a new form of narrow nationalism. On the other hand, the article attempts to explain what a continental response strategy might entail. In fact, the narratives of African migrants as pervasive criminals and job snatchers conveniently relieves the post-apartheid government which is expected to enhance service delivery and create opportunities for the locals, as well as giving dignity to the immigrants.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"332 - 350"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47926576","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Linking the drivers of insecurity and security in Africa 将非洲不安全和安全的驱动因素联系起来
IF 0.8
African Security Review Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2127659
Dries Velthuizen, Lisa Otto
{"title":"Linking the drivers of insecurity and security in Africa","authors":"Dries Velthuizen, Lisa Otto","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2127659","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2127659","url":null,"abstract":"In this edition our authors remind us that although the scourge of organised crime and political violence remains part of societies in Africa, popular views are not always helpful when it comes to finding solutions for sustainable peace and security. For instance, one popular perception is that illicit and criminal activities are always linked to political opposition and insurgency; another is that immigrants are the cause of violent crime in society. Although we accept the evidence that shows a link between the drivers of insecurity such as crime, political resistance and illegal immigration, research shows that this is not always the case in all spaces. However, what does show a strong correlation is the link between government-driven peace initiatives with local ownership, non-governmental organisations and non-violent political movements that bring agency to the quest for assured, sustainable peace. In their article ‘Piracy as a result of IUU fishing: Challenging the causal link’, Sasha Jesperson and Rune Henriksen demonstrate that illicit activities such as illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing and piracy as organised crime can take place in the same space (in this case the Gulf of Guinea). However, although both piracy and IUU are drivers of insecurity, there is not necessarily a causal link between the two activities. Gwinyayi Albert Dzinesa, in his article ‘The Zimbabwe Peace and Reconciliation Commission: Towards an integrated national infrastructure for peace?’, presents a solution to security challenges which aims to overcome the limitations of the ‘statist, top-down approaches’ that are not sufficient to build peace. A mechanism such as the Zimbabwe Peace and Reconciliation Commission can be effective if it is part of a ‘broad peace infrastructure, weaving horizontal and vertical relationships with various local stakeholders with the assistance of international partners’. The principles of the initiative are national and local ownership, inclusivity, gender mainstreaming and cooperation and capacity-building for sustainability, with external support where necessary. In the same context, Simbarashe Gukurume emphasises non-violent resistance as a form of political opposition in his article ‘Youth and the temporalities of non-violent struggles in Zimbabwe: #ThisFlag Movement’. He points out that young people with ‘techno-savviness’ present agency and social navigation for mass mobilisation to defy a government in a nonviolent way. In his article ‘Peace agreements with no peace: A critical review of peace agreements in the Central African Republic’, Robert Kosho Ndiyun identifies the different ‘paths of peace’ available to societies. In this regard he identifies the sustainability of peace as an essential element of any pathway adopted by communities that aims to guarantee assured peace, prevent a reversion to conflict and authoritarian rule and create an opportunity to repair harm after violent conflict. Matthew Kimble and Sh","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"243 - 244"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44544719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Piracy as a result of IUU fishing: Challenging the causal link 非法、无管制和无管制捕鱼造成的海盗行为:质疑因果关系
IF 0.8
African Security Review Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2049329
S. Jesperson, R. Henriksen
{"title":"Piracy as a result of IUU fishing: Challenging the causal link","authors":"S. Jesperson, R. Henriksen","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2049329","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2049329","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT With declining global fish stocks, there is a growing literature on the negative impact of illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing. While undoubtedly damaging, there is increasing analysis on the wider impact of IUU fishing, without sufficient evidence to support causal claims. This is particularly evident in the links between IUU fishing and piracy. IUU fishing was blamed for the surge of piracy in the Gulf of Aden in in the late 1990s/ early 2000s and is more recently presented as a driver for piracy in the Gulf of Guinea. In reviewing available evidence, this article finds that while there is a correlation between IUU fishing and piracy in the Gulf of Guinea, in that they both occur in the same areas, current evidence does not support a causal link between the two.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"245 - 260"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49554539","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Private military and security companies: South Africa’s neglected resource 私营军事和安保公司:南非被忽视的资源
IF 0.8
African Security Review Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2104653
M. Kimble, S. Bosch
{"title":"Private military and security companies: South Africa’s neglected resource","authors":"M. Kimble, S. Bosch","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2104653","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2104653","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Using the current conflict in northern Mozambique as a case study, we argue that the South African government and its current legislation on private military and security companies (PMSCs) has prevented it from being a more effective agent for peace in the region. South Africa’s current legislation – the Foreign Military Assistance Act of 1998 (FMA) and the Prohibition of Mercenary Activities Act of 2006 (PMA) – creates a situation, a deliberate and intentional one, where PMSCs are unable to operate effectively effectively. Therefore PMSCs do not operate from South Africa, despite South African PMSCs being well regarded and experienced internationally. The FMA and PMA also oppose a general international trend which is seeing increased use and acceptance of PMSCs. We argue that the conflict in northern Mozambique is an example where legislation which is more accepting of the PMSC industry would have allowed South Africa to provide more (and earlier) assistance to Mozambique. This would have helped Mozambique and the region, but, importantly, it would also have been a valuable tool in South Africa’s foreign diplomacy and projected the potential for the use of smart power.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"317 - 331"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43090529","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Peace agreements with no peace: A critical review of peace agreements in the Central African Republic 没有和平的和平协定:对中非共和国和平协定的批判性审查
IF 0.8
African Security Review Pub Date : 2022-06-21 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2086477
Robert Kosho Ndiyun
{"title":"Peace agreements with no peace: A critical review of peace agreements in the Central African Republic","authors":"Robert Kosho Ndiyun","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2086477","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2086477","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Societies faced with authoritarian rule or conflict usually adopt different paths to peace. The course adopted by each community to guarantee stability determines the extent to which the sustainability of the peace can be assured. Every attempt to pacify a society should aim to prevent a relapse to conflict or authoritarian rule while considering the damage caused and sorting out measures to repair the harm. The history of military coups and conflicts in the Central African Republic (CAR) is well documented. Still, the attempted remedies have greatly side-lined the raison d’être of the responses in guaranteeing peace and preventing relapse to conflict. As the CAR remains politically and socially unstable, an analysis of the failure of peace agreements to ensure stability constitutes a field of inquiry that urgently necessitates a more profound investigation to save the country from recurrent hostilities and guarantee a peaceful society for the citizens. Peace includes an aspiration manifested by both the CAR authorities and non-state armed groups in the course of hostilities and on the negotiation table. Central Africans indicate an interest in peace, but such interest often manifested and materialised in peace agreements has barely been implemented.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"300 - 316"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44537218","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
The Zimbabwe Peace and Reconciliation Commission: Towards an integrated national infrastructure for peace? 津巴布韦和平与和解委员会:建立一个综合的国家和平基础设施?
IF 0.8
African Security Review Pub Date : 2022-06-20 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2086475
G. Dzinesa
{"title":"The Zimbabwe Peace and Reconciliation Commission: Towards an integrated national infrastructure for peace?","authors":"G. Dzinesa","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2086475","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2086475","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The National Peace and Reconciliation Commission (NPRC) in Zimbabwe is potentially a crucial architect of coordinated and integrated infrastructure for peace (I4P). But it is not without its critics and sceptics. The Commission is the institutional centrepiece of government’s post-conflict justice, peace, healing and reconciliation programme. It is mandated with developing national and sub-national architecture to drive the peacebuilding agenda. The NPRC is relatively young and is in the process of emplacing structures to acquire the organisational capacity to execute its mandate efficaciously within major constraints. While statist, top-down approaches are hardly sufficient to build peace, the Commission is evolving into a broad peace infrastructure, weaving horizontal and vertical relationships with various local stakeholders with the assistance of international partners. The NPRC is leading Zimbabwe’s I4P project in a context-specific manner that promotes the principles of national and local ownership, inclusivity, gender mainstreaming, cooperation and capacity building for sustainability. The Commission, notwithstanding its well-documented weaknesses, has achieved important milestones towards a prospective integrated national I4P. This article broadens the existing literature on the NPRC by examining milestones in the implementation of its mandate, particularly demonstrating how it is morphing into a potential cornerstone of a broad national I4P with external support.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"261 - 281"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42132065","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Youth and the temporalities of non-violent struggles in Zimbabwe: #ThisFlag Movement 津巴布韦青年与非暴力斗争的暂时性:#这面旗帜运动
IF 0.8
African Security Review Pub Date : 2022-06-17 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2086476
S. Gukurume
{"title":"Youth and the temporalities of non-violent struggles in Zimbabwe: #ThisFlag Movement","authors":"S. Gukurume","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2086476","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2086476","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Youth in fragile and conflict-ridden spaces are often constructed as violent and restless subjects who dismember the social fabric of society. Yet, many young people are using non-violent tactics and strategies to articulate their grievances and frustrations with the state of their economies. Young people in such decaying economies live under precarious and uncertain existential conditions. Drawing on the #ThisFlag movement in Zimbabwe, this article sheds light on the complex temporalities of non-violent resistance in post-colonial Africa and the place of social media in creating new and alternative forms of protest. The article examines the ways in which young people mobilising under the #ThisFlag movement deployed cyberspaces to launch concerted non-violent resistance against the Mugabe and Mnangagwa regimes. It also discusses various non-violent tactics the #ThisFlag movement deployed to tactically navigate the precarious terrain of political activism. I argue that young people instrumentalised their techno-savviness to mass-mobilise and enact novel and defiant forms of non-violent political action which posed a serious threat to ZANU-PF’s durable political hegemony. I also argue that #ThisFlag’s use of non-violent resistance should be understood as an exercise of agency and social navigation in a context of protracted violence against government critics and opposition political activists.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"282 - 299"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-06-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46166913","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
Human security: Countering harmful ideologies and dominant narratives 人类安全:反对有害的意识形态和主导叙事
IF 0.8
African Security Review Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2090084
Lisa Otto, Dries Velthuizen
{"title":"Human security: Countering harmful ideologies and dominant narratives","authors":"Lisa Otto, Dries Velthuizen","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2090084","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2090084","url":null,"abstract":"Welcome to this edition of the African Security Review. In this issue, our authors offer a bouquet of contributions that highlight the centrality of human security from several perspectives. The real and potential harm of historical religions and ideologies that intentionally seek to harm other people, both physically and mentally, requires counter-narratives that emphasise the vital importance of human rights and other democratic freedoms. The importance of the projection of soft power in the political economy of what remains a liberal world, without importing or exporting regional geopolitical tensions, is such a counter-narrative to the violent nature of hard-power projection. What emerges from the work of our authors is the requirement for civil oversight, professionalism and protection of citizens in the unfortunate cases where the state decides to execute its mandate to wield the sword. In her article, ‘The liberation culture and missed opportunities for security sector reform in Zimbabwe: 1980–2018’, Annie Barbara Chikwanha found that Security Sector Reform (SSR) in Zimbabwe is political party orientated and deliberately focussing on technical capacity building and is not aligned with human rights principles or clearly expressing a human security paradigm. In the same vein, Sallek Yaks Musa and Lindy Heinecken analysed and evaluated the effect of military ‘(un)professionalism’ on civil–military relations and security in Nigeria, departing from the principles of military professionalism. The authors found that the lack of civil control of the Nigerian military compromises internal security, military effectiveness, erodes trust in the armed forces and therefore civil–military relations, contributing to the insecurity of citizens. Emma Etim, Otu Duke, Jacob Fatile and Augustine Ugar Akah in their article ‘Protest policing strategy and human rights: A study of End SARS protests in Nigeria’ demonstrated practicalities of how unprofessional armed forces complicates the management of protest action. The authors found that police response to peaceful gatherings as if all protest actions are riots, and failure to prevent violence at an early stage, leads to the escalation of protests into violence that could have been avoided. In his article, ‘Lies or half-truths? Boko Haram’s ideology from a social movement theory perspective’, Akali Omeni shows that ideological and political interpretation of religious scriptures to rationalise radical activism requires counter-narratives to expose ‘lies and half-truths’. Sammie Wicks and Caleb Weiss wrote on the ‘Evolution of Algerian influence in African Jihadist movements’ and pointed out that Algerian leaders continue to influence al-Qaeda’s senior leadership in jihadism in northern Africa and the Sahel, despite diminishing support for this ideology from a new generation of leaders. Oluwaseun Tella explained in his article ‘The political economy of soft power: South Africa’s neoliberal order and multinational","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"121 - 122"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46465704","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Maritime security and the Western Indian Ocean’s militarisation dilemma 海上安全和西印度洋的军事化困境
IF 0.8
African Security Review Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2053556
Christian Bueger, Jan Stockbruegger
{"title":"Maritime security and the Western Indian Ocean’s militarisation dilemma","authors":"Christian Bueger, Jan Stockbruegger","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2053556","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2053556","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Ten years after the last large scale piracy attacks in the Western Indian Ocean, other maritime crimes such as illicit fishing and maritime smuggling have emerged. The spill over of conflicts in Yemen and Mozambique and maritime grey-zone activities have also become major maritime security issues. Yet, perhaps the most worrying – though largely underappreciated – trend is the surge of naval activity and strategic competition in the region. This is a major dilemma for the region: The region relies on external military actors to protect vital shipping lanes, but the presence of these actors also risks importing geopolitical tensions that could undermine regional maritime stability. How can the region address these maritime insecurities and the evolving militarisation dilemma? We investigate the regional maritime security architecture to identify institutions that can help the region manage the militarisation dilemma. We argue that only the Shared Awareness and Deconfliction (SHADE) mechanism and the Contact Group on Piracy off the Coast of Somalia (CGPCS) can help mitigate geopolitical competition in the region. Preparing these mechanisms to deal with the militarisation dilemma will be vital for the long-term prosperity of the Western India Ocean.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"195 - 210"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43900514","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 4
Lies or half-truths? Boko Haram’s ideology from a social movement theory perspective 谎言还是半真半假?社会运动理论视角下的博科圣地意识形态
IF 0.8
African Security Review Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/10246029.2022.2027253
Akali Omeni
{"title":"Lies or half-truths? Boko Haram’s ideology from a social movement theory perspective","authors":"Akali Omeni","doi":"10.1080/10246029.2022.2027253","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2022.2027253","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Using Social Movement Theory (SMT) as a methodological framework and explicitly employing the core SMT concepts of political opportunism and framing, this paper seeks to examine Boko Haram's use of discourse in activism. As a rarely employed research method within the Boko Haram literature, SMT holds explanatory power around the movement's approach to transforming motivation potential into actual mobilisation via frame resonance. Focusing on the application of framing within (interpreted) sermons, lectures and exhortations by both Muhammad Yusuf and Abubakar Shekau as former substantive leaders of Boko Haram, this paper unpacks the discourse of Boko Haram's ideology. The paper shows that this ideology, which contrasts the softened core of the Salafist/Wahhabi doctrines from which Boko Haram broke away, relies on problematic interpretations of Qur’ānic exegesis and political thought as both relate to faith and governance in northern Nigeria. One policy recommendation to emerge from this study is that counter-narratives to Boko Haram's ideology should highlight not just why but also how the group's rhetoric employs lies and half-truths in an attempt to rationalise its activism; despite what appears to be an adherence to Qur’ānic exegesis, in making its claims.","PeriodicalId":44882,"journal":{"name":"African Security Review","volume":"31 1","pages":"174 - 194"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43679567","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
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