Asian Journal of Political Science最新文献

Persistent norm entrepreneur: Indonesia strategy as ‘homegrown’ democracy promoter in Southeast Asia Region 坚持规范的企业家：印度尼西亚作为东南亚地区 "本土 "民主促进者的战略

IF 1.1

Asian Journal of Political Science Pub Date : 2024-01-09 DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2024.2302164

Bima Jon Nanda, I. Permata

引用次数: 0

Causal inference in political science research: global trends and implications on Philippine political scholarship 政治学研究中的因果推论：全球趋势及对菲律宾政治学术的影响

IF 1.1

Asian Journal of Political Science Pub Date : 2023-12-18 DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2023.2293708

Ronald A. Pernia

引用次数: 0

Nepal’s participatory governance in diverse political systems: a comparative perspective 尼泊尔在不同政治制度中的参与式治理：比较视角

IF 1.1

Asian Journal of Political Science Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2023.2285288

Thaneshwar Bhusal

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Vigilante groups in Indonesia since the 2019 election: actors, movements, agency, and networking 2019 年大选以来印度尼西亚的民团：参与者、运动、机构和网络

IF 1.1

Asian Journal of Political Science Pub Date : 2023-11-28 DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2023.2285928

Zuly Qodir, Bilver Sing, Misran Misran

引用次数: 0

Outlooks and affinities: what motivates American public support for defending Taiwan?

Asian Journal of Political Science Pub Date : 2023-11-13 DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2023.2270950

Timothy S. Rich

{"title":"Outlooks and affinities: what motivates American public support for defending Taiwan?","authors":"Timothy S. Rich","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2023.2270950","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2023.2270950","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTSurveys increasingly show Americans support efforts to Taiwan from Chinese aggression. Yet few studies unpack how overall views of international commitments as well as specific views of Taiwan and China influence this support, focusing more partisan identification. Through original survey data, I find evaluations of Taiwan playing a larger role than anti-China sentiment in driving support for Taiwan’s defense. In addition, those desiring American engagement in world affairs were also more supportive. The results suggest the scope and limitations of public support for Taiwan’s defense.KEYWORDS: TaiwanChinaForeign PolicyPartisanshipPublic OpinionSurvey Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 In the 117th Congress (2021–2022), the House Taiwan Caucus included 89 Republicans and 79 Democrats, while the Senate Taiwan Caucus included 17 Republicans and 14 Democrats.2 Copper (Citation2017) argues that initial beliefs of a dramatic shift away from Taiwan may be exaggerated.3 Although no attention checks were included within the survey, the analysis did flag responses that finished two standard deviations faster than the average, with the assumption such respondents were not paying due attention to the questions. However, excluding such respondents did not alter the findings shown here.4 While acknowledging the limitations of quota sampling, this approach improves upon traditional convenience-based sampling for web survey.5 18–24: 14.18%; 24–34: 18.92%; 35–44: 19.44%; 45–54: 14.29%; 55–64: 12.62%; 65–74: 14.18%;, 75–84: 5.61%; 85+: 0.75%.6 Female: 49.91%.7 Midwest: 20.20%; Northeast: 19.97%; South: 39.81%; West: 20.02%.8 Respondents were asked ‘On a 1–10 scale, with 1 being very negative and 10 very positive, how do you feel about the following countries?’9 Of those not supportive of one of the two largest parties, 81.84% identified as having no party identification, with most of the remaining writing in independent. As such, and with only nine respondents identifying other parties my name, the baseline is treated as just independent. Removing supporters of third parties did not produce substantively different results.10 Less than high school, high school graduate, some college, two-year degree, four-year degree, professional degree, doctorate. Collapsing the last two into a graduate degree did not fundamentally alter the later results.Additional informationNotes on contributorsTimothy S. RichTimothy S. Rich, Professor of Political Science at Western Kentucky University. His research focuses on public opinion and East Asian politics.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"30 22","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136281825","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Reviewing terrorism threat on China after the cold war 回顾冷战后中国面临的恐怖主义威胁

Asian Journal of Political Science Pub Date : 2023-10-29 DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2023.2276111

Mordechai Chaziza, Shlomo O. Goldman

{"title":"Reviewing terrorism threat on China after the cold war","authors":"Mordechai Chaziza, Shlomo O. Goldman","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2023.2276111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2023.2276111","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTOver the past three decades, terrorism has directly threatened China's national security and has played a key role in its foreign policy. The nature of terrorism in China is changing, as is the Chinese government's response to the threat. Despite the issue's importance, there is still little knowledge about the changing face of terrorism in China. Thus, this study fills the gap in the literature on this subject by reviewing the terrorism threat against China after the Cold War from 1989 through 2020, based on the global terrorism database. The study's main findings reveal that China is not a significant target of terrorism when compared to other powers. Terrorism in China is domestic and concentrated in four specific districts, chiefly caused by the Uyghurs Uprising. Contrary to conventional wisdom, the BRI did not cause a dramatic increase in terrorist attacks against Chinese citizens outside China.KEYWORDS: Chinaterrorism threatsBelt and Road InitiativeXinjiangterrorist attacksChinese policy Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by Ashkelon Academic College.Notes on contributorsMordechai ChazizaMordechai Chaziza is a senior lecturer at the Department of Politics and Governance and the Multidisciplinary Studies in Social Science division at Ashkelon Academic College (Israel) and a Research Fellow at the Asian Studies Department, University of Haifa, specializing in Chinese foreign and strategic relations.Shlomo O. GoldmanShlomo O. Goldman has a Ph.D. from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (2010) and a Post-doc at the Inter-Disciplinary Center (2014). Shlomo was a scientific advisor at the Ministry of Education (2019–2021) and is a lecturer at several academic institutions in Israel. He was a research fellow at the Herzl Institute for Research and Study of Zionism and History at the University of Haifa about democracies coping with terrorism, specializing in terrorism, international, intra-states wars, and globalization.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"13 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136134426","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The communist imaginary in Indonesia’s 2014 and 2019 presidential elections 印尼2014年和2019年总统选举中的共产主义想象

Asian Journal of Political Science Pub Date : 2023-10-21 DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2023.2270947

Rendy Pahrun Wadipalapa

{"title":"The communist imaginary in Indonesia’s 2014 and 2019 presidential elections","authors":"Rendy Pahrun Wadipalapa","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2023.2270947","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2023.2270947","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates rumours of a communist resurgence as a recurring theme invoked in Indonesian politics. In both the 2014 and 2019 presidential contests, Joko Widodo (Jokowi) was accused of being a PKI (Communist Party of Indonesia) adherent, and a false narrative that he was the ‘communists’ candidate’ persisted throughout the campaigns. Despite the PKI having been banned and effectively defunct since 1966, large amounts of political disinformation that centred on its rebirth and the threat from communists dominated media narratives. The attack was expanded to include many key figures, including political elites and Jokowi’s allies and sympathizers. Using interviews with elite individuals and documentary research, this article argues that the ‘communist imaginary’ was deployed by campaign managers in the elections through the exploitation of constant anxieties regarding perceived villains. Furthermore, it has also been used as an excuse for military, as well as paramilitary factions, to grab greater power within the electoral context, as evidenced by their aggressive speeches and actions. The rumour of a communist threat, I will argue, provides a simple, effective way to distract the public from actual electoral issues.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"106 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135512309","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

NOTA: a strategic choice with a positive impact on Indian elections 注:这是对印度选举产生积极影响的战略选择

Asian Journal of Political Science Pub Date : 2023-10-09 DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2023.2265372

Raghav Kumar, Sudarsan Padmanabhan, P. Srikant

{"title":"NOTA: a strategic choice with a positive impact on Indian elections","authors":"Raghav Kumar, Sudarsan Padmanabhan, P. Srikant","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2023.2265372","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2023.2265372","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTIn this article, we study how the introduction of a None of the Above (NOTA) option in Indian elections since 2013 has affected voting patterns and election outcomes. First, we examine the relationship between position on the ballot with electoral outcomes by constructing a simple statistic that measures relative performance by position on the ballot or Electronic Voting Machines. Within non-party options, we show that the last option on the EVM ends up being a salient choice, which is an inversion of the usual findings in the literature on order effects, where earlier options are generally preferred. Second, the NOTA option is the salient choice for voters who choose not to vote for a party, and thereby substituting for independent candidates. This share is more than can be explained by ballot position alone. We argue that the existence of a NOTA option is not merely a procedural technicality; instead, voters use NOTA as a strategic option to express their protest.KEYWORDS: None of the AboveIndian ElectionsOrder of CandidatesStrategic ChoiceDemocracyIndependents AcknowledgementWe would like to acknowledge insightful discussions with T.S. Krishnamurthy, Jagdeep Chokhar. V. Suresh, Brinda Viswananthan and Manjushree Hegde.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 For details, see People’s Union for Civil Liberties v Union of India (Citation2013): Writ Petition (Civil) No 161 of 2004, Supreme Court judgment dated 27 September 2013.2 Specifically, rules 41(2), 41(3) and 49-O. 41(2) and (3) of the Conduct of Election Rules, 1961 directed the voter who took the ballot and decided not to use it to return it to the presiding officer. These ballots were then kept in a separate packet. Rule 49-O catered to the voter who, in the polling booth, chose not to cast vote and put it on record.3 For more details on the rules see https://indiankanoon.org/doc/152734757/ and https://eci.gov.in/faqs/evm/general-qa/electronic-voting-machine-r2/, accessed on 17 July 2022.4 Past analyses of elections have included metrics like the Herfindahl index, defined as the sum of the squares of percentage shares (this is minimized for a uniform distribution); and the Kullback-Leibler distance, which is an entropy-based measure of how different a distribution is from the uniform. Our statistic is much easier to calculate, and has the following properties—A candidate with a lower percentage share than the overall average will have a negative DPS value, and a candidate with a higher percentage share than the overall average will have a positive DPS value. The minimum value of the statistic, −1/N, is reached when the candidate in question gets 0 votes and the maximum value, 1−1/N, when he gets all the votes. Further, DPSi values always sum up to zero over all candidates for a given election5 Subramanian Swamy vs A. Raja on 24 August 2012; In 2017, all the accused in the 2G scam were acquitted by the Special CBI Court Judge O. P","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135093918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

ASEAN states’ responses to China-driven regional cooperation initiatives: the BRI and the CSD revisited 东盟国家应对中国推动的区域合作倡议:再看“一带一路”和“可持续发展战略”

Asian Journal of Political Science Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2023.2265326

Wang Jie, Liang Ce

{"title":"ASEAN states’ responses to China-driven regional cooperation initiatives: the BRI and the CSD revisited","authors":"Wang Jie, Liang Ce","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2023.2265326","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2023.2265326","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis research contributes to an understanding of the ‘intertwined destiny’ of China’s twin initiatives, the BRI and the CSD. We find that the security implications of the twin initiatives drive different patterns of responses among ASEAN states. The dynamism emanates from diversifying preferences of ASEAN states amid complex interdependence. The BRI does a better job of projecting China’s material and soft power, as it aligns closely with ASEAN states’ comprehensive national interests. The CSD fares less well because it seeks to impose Beijing’s hegemonic claims on the SCS, thereby posing a security challenge to claimant states in the region. The nuances suggest that the charm of the BRI cannot be readily converted into a passport for the CSD. For some ASEAN states, power asymmetry inherent in their relations with China requires a security commitment from this giant northern neighbour, which Beijing is still reluctant to provide.KEYWORDS: ASEANChinabelt and road initiativea shared future for mankinda community of shared destinyXi Jinping diplomacySouth China Sea disputes AcknowledgmentThe authors express gratitude to Rose Yahui GU for data collection assistance. She worked at International SOS (Singapore, Headquarters) as a security risk specialist, in APAC between 2019–2021, and continues to provide advice afterward.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by Guangzhou University: [Grant Number 2900603999; 69-6209190].Notes on contributorsWang JieWang Jie is an Assistant Professor at the Public Administration School, Guangzhou University, China. Postal address: 230 Wai Huan Xi Road, Guangzhou Higher Education Mega Center, Guangzhou 510006 China; e-mail: wangjie@u.nus.edu. She received Ph.D. from the Department of Political Science, National University of Singapore. She is a research associate at the Institute of Rural Revitalization GZHU (Guangzhou daxue xiangcun zhenxing yanjiu yuan).Liang CeLiang Ce received Ph.D. from the Department of Politics and International Studies, University of Cambridge. She was a Research Associate at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy between 2016 and 2017. Email: cl714@cantab.ac.uk","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"100 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134975605","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The rise of paragunboat diplomacy as a maritime diplomatic instrument: Indonesia’s constabulary forces and tensions in the North Natuna Seas 伞船外交作为海上外交工具的兴起:印度尼西亚的警察部队和北纳土纳海的紧张局势

IF 1.1

Asian Journal of Political Science Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/02185377.2023.2226879

Bama Andika Putra

{"title":"The rise of paragunboat diplomacy as a maritime diplomatic instrument: Indonesia’s constabulary forces and tensions in the North Natuna Seas","authors":"Bama Andika Putra","doi":"10.1080/02185377.2023.2226879","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02185377.2023.2226879","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The use of maritime constabulary forces and coast guards as diplomatic instruments in disputed waters has been a growing occurrence in the Indo-Pacific region. The challenges presented to Indonesia amid the rise of foreign vessel intrusions pose great obstacles to Jokowi’s decisive and non-negotiable stance on Indonesia’s sovereignty in the North Natuna Seas. Challenged by Vietnam and China due to overlapping EEZ and continental shelf zones, the North Natuna Seas continues to be filled with the presence of maritime paramilitary agencies, foreign fishing fleets, and other sea intrusions to Indonesia’s maritime boundaries. This article argues that as an attempt to respond to contemporary challenges in the Natuna Seas, Jokowi has empowered Indonesian coast guards as a paragunboat diplomatic strategy to respond to coercion at sea. By evaluating the development and mandates given to the Indonesian Maritime Security Agency since 2014, this article further justifies Indonesia’s turn to paragunboat diplomacy due to the need for a non-confrontational and non-coercive maritime diplomacy strategy, and as a posturing strategy to compel adversaries away from Indonesian waters due to the promising tactical flexibility of using non-military maritime constabulary forces.","PeriodicalId":44333,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Political Science","volume":"31 1","pages":"106 - 124"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43458514","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0