东盟国家应对中国推动的区域合作倡议:再看“一带一路”和“可持续发展战略”

IF 0.6 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE
Wang Jie, Liang Ce
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引用次数: 0

摘要

摘要本研究有助于理解中国“一带一路”倡议和“一带一路”倡议的“命运交织”。我们发现,“双倡议”的安全影响推动了东盟国家不同的应对模式。这种活力源于东盟各国在复杂的相互依存关系中偏好的多样化。“一带一路”倡议与东盟国家的综合国家利益密切相关,更能体现中国的物质实力和软实力。《南华早报》的表现不太好,因为它试图将北京的霸权主张强加给南海,从而对该地区的主权声索国构成安全挑战。这些细微差别表明,“一带一路”的魅力无法轻易转化为政府的通行证。对于一些东盟国家来说,它们与中国关系中固有的权力不对称,要求这个北方大国做出安全承诺,而北京方面仍不愿提供。2019年至2021年期间,她在国际SOS(新加坡总部)担任亚太地区的安全风险专家,之后继续提供建议。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。本研究由广州大学资助:[批准号:2900603999;69 - 6209190]。作者简介王杰,中国广州大学公共管理学院助理教授。邮编:510006广州市大学城外环西路230号;电子邮件:wangjie@u.nus.edu。她获得新加坡国立大学政治学系博士学位。她是广州大学乡村振兴研究院(广州大学乡村振兴研究院)的副研究员。梁泽良策,英国剑桥大学政治与国际关系系博士。2016年至2017年,她在李光耀公共政策学院担任研究员。电子邮件:cl714@cantab.ac.uk
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
ASEAN states’ responses to China-driven regional cooperation initiatives: the BRI and the CSD revisited
ABSTRACTThis research contributes to an understanding of the ‘intertwined destiny’ of China’s twin initiatives, the BRI and the CSD. We find that the security implications of the twin initiatives drive different patterns of responses among ASEAN states. The dynamism emanates from diversifying preferences of ASEAN states amid complex interdependence. The BRI does a better job of projecting China’s material and soft power, as it aligns closely with ASEAN states’ comprehensive national interests. The CSD fares less well because it seeks to impose Beijing’s hegemonic claims on the SCS, thereby posing a security challenge to claimant states in the region. The nuances suggest that the charm of the BRI cannot be readily converted into a passport for the CSD. For some ASEAN states, power asymmetry inherent in their relations with China requires a security commitment from this giant northern neighbour, which Beijing is still reluctant to provide.KEYWORDS: ASEANChinabelt and road initiativea shared future for mankinda community of shared destinyXi Jinping diplomacySouth China Sea disputes AcknowledgmentThe authors express gratitude to Rose Yahui GU for data collection assistance. She worked at International SOS (Singapore, Headquarters) as a security risk specialist, in APAC between 2019–2021, and continues to provide advice afterward.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by Guangzhou University: [Grant Number 2900603999; 69-6209190].Notes on contributorsWang JieWang Jie is an Assistant Professor at the Public Administration School, Guangzhou University, China. Postal address: 230 Wai Huan Xi Road, Guangzhou Higher Education Mega Center, Guangzhou 510006 China; e-mail: wangjie@u.nus.edu. She received Ph.D. from the Department of Political Science, National University of Singapore. She is a research associate at the Institute of Rural Revitalization GZHU (Guangzhou daxue xiangcun zhenxing yanjiu yuan).Liang CeLiang Ce received Ph.D. from the Department of Politics and International Studies, University of Cambridge. She was a Research Associate at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy between 2016 and 2017. Email: cl714@cantab.ac.uk
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来源期刊
CiteScore
2.00
自引率
0.00%
发文量
11
期刊介绍: Asian Journal of Political Science ( AJPS) is an international refereed journal affiliated to the Graduate School of Public Administration, Seoul National University. Published since 1993, AJPS is a leading journal on Asian politics and governance. It publishes high-quality original articles in major areas of political science, including comparative politics, political thought, international relations, public policy, and public administration, with specific reference to Asian regions and countries. AJPS aims to address some of the most contemporary political and administrative issues in Asia (especially in East, South, and Southeast Asia) at the local, national, and global levels. The journal can be of great value to academic experts, researchers, and students in the above areas of political science as well as to practical policy makers, state institutions, and international agencies.
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