Javier García Roca, Juan Luis De Diego Arias, Mónica Arenas Ramiro, Leyre Burguera Ameave, Ignacio Gutiérrez Gutiérrez, Ana Galdámez Morales
{"title":"Recensiones","authors":"Javier García Roca, Juan Luis De Diego Arias, Mónica Arenas Ramiro, Leyre Burguera Ameave, Ignacio Gutiérrez Gutiérrez, Ana Galdámez Morales","doi":"10.5944/trc.44.2019.26028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5944/trc.44.2019.26028","url":null,"abstract":"RESEÑA de: Laurence Burgorgue-Larsen. Les 3 Cours régionales des droits de l’homme in context. La justice qui n’allait pas de soi (Javier García Roca)RESEÑA de: Joaquín Varela Suanzes-Carpegna. Historia constitucional de España —I. Fernández Sarasola, Ed.— (Juan Luis de Diego Arias)RESEÑA de: Juan José Solozábal Echavarría. Derechos fundamentales y forma política (Mónica Arenas Ramiro)RESEÑA de: Javier García Fernández. Regulación jurídica y acción política del gobierno en España (Leyre Burguera Ameave)RESEÑA de: Ana Carmona Contreras (dir.). Las cláusulas horizontales de la Carta de derechos fundamentales de la Unión Europea. Manual de uso (Ignacio Gutiérrez Gutiérrez)RESEÑA de: Juan Ignacio Ugartemendía Eceizabarrena y Javier Donaire Villa. F.J. La triple justiciabilidad de las reformas constitucionales (Ana Galdámez Morales)","PeriodicalId":43046,"journal":{"name":"Teoria y Realidad Constitucional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45550088","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"\"Il tempo moderato\" de la intervención coercitiva del Estado (artículo155 CE) en Cataluña: un comentario a las SSTC 89 y 90/2019, en particular, proporcionalidad y test de necesidad o razonabilidad de las medidas","authors":"J. Roca","doi":"10.5944/trc.44.2019.26026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5944/trc.44.2019.26026","url":null,"abstract":"El TC ha declarado conforme a la Constitución la primera aplicación del art. 155 CE en Cataluña en virtud del Acuerdo del Gobierno y el Senado de 2017 salvo en un pequeño extremo. Ha definido este procedimiento de intervención como un mecanismo excepcional y sometido a diversos límites. Tras revisar las concretas medidas adoptadas, se estiman constitucionalmente adecuadas. Pero se advierte que no debe aplicarse un test de necesidad a la mismas sino un control externo de razonabilidad.The Constitutional Court has declared under the Constitution the first application of art. 155 CE in Catalonia by means of the Government and Senate agreement of 2017 except to a small extent. This proceeding has been defined as an exceptional mechanism that has to be used with several important restrictions. The whole concrete measures adopted have been considered constitutional. However, the Court warns that cannot apply a test of necessity to this measures but a more external control of reasonableness.","PeriodicalId":43046,"journal":{"name":"Teoria y Realidad Constitucional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42697488","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"La Unión Europea como comunidad de valores: a vueltas con la crisis de la democracia y del Estado de Derecho","authors":"José Martín y Pérez de Nanclares","doi":"10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24401","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24401","url":null,"abstract":"Las democracias liberales de prácticamente todo el mundo occidental están sufriendo un serio proceso de erosión interna y, en algunos casos, una verdadera deriva autoritaria. Este desgaste democrático no solo afecta a los Estados. También la Unión Europea es diana preferida de los ataques de ataques directos de los movimientos populistas y antieuropeos. En realidad, en estos momentos valores esenciales del proceso de integración, como por ejemplo los de democracia y Estado de Derecho, se están poniendo en cuestión en algunos Estados miembros. Dado que la Unión es una ‘comunidad de valores’ (Wertegemeinschaft) y los valores del artículo 2 TUE gozan de carácter normativo y son justiciables, la Comisión ha interpuesto ante el Tribunal de Justicia diversos recursos por incumplimiento contra Polonia y Hungría por violación de dichos valores. Igualmente, por primera vez de su introducción en los tratados constitutivos, se ha activado contra Polonia el mecanismo del artículo 7.1 TUE. Se ha entrado así en una tierra inexplorada, cuyo resultado final es incierto y podría encarnar una seria amenaza al propio proceso de integración europeo.The liberal democracies of virtually the entire Western world are suffering a serious process of internal erosion and, in some cases, a real authoritarian drift. This democratic wear des not only affect the States. The European Union is also the preferred target of direct attacks by populist and anti-European movements. In fact, in these moments, some essential values of the integration process, such as democracy and rule of law, are being put into question in some Member States. Given that the Union is a “community of values” (Wertegemeinschaft) and that the values of Article 2 TEU possess a normative value and are actionable, the Commission have brought several infringement proceedings before the ECJ against Poland and Hungary, for the violation of those same values. Likewise, for the first time since its institution in the constitutive treaties, the mechanism of Article 7(1) TEU has been activated against Poland. We are, therefore, in uncharted territory, whose final outcome is uncertain and could represent a serious threat against the European integration process itself.","PeriodicalId":43046,"journal":{"name":"Teoria y Realidad Constitucional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24401","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43590049","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"La iniciativa popular de referéndum","authors":"C. López","doi":"10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24423","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24423","url":null,"abstract":"La iniciativa popular de referéndum es la facultad atribuida a un número de ciudadanos o a un porcentaje de ellos para instar la celebración de un referéndum sobre una cuestión política de interés general o sobre un texto normativo, remitiendo al cuerpo electoral la decisión sobre su oportunidad, su aprobación o su abrogación. A diferencia de la iniciativa de referéndum atribuida a los entes subcentrales en algunos Estados compuestos y de la iniciativa otorgada a las minorías parlamentarias, el reconocimiento de la iniciativa popular de referéndum está bastante extendido en el Derecho comparado. Donde está instituida, sirve para enfrentar la pasividad o falta de receptividad de los legisladores e impulsar la adopción de reformas constitucionales o legislativas. Y puede servir para controlar y corregir el resultado de los procesos parlamentarios de formación de la voluntad general. En este trabajo analizamos la regulación comparada de las iniciativas populares que tienen por objeto la convocatoria de referéndums propositivos sobre normas y decisiones de transcendencia nacional, de ratificación de leyes votadas y no sancionadas y de abrogación de leyes en vigor. También abordamos los intentos de regulación de la iniciativa popular de referéndum habidos en España, con especial atención a la proposición de reforma constitucional aprobada por la Junta General del Principado de Asturias, aún pendiente de toma en consideración.Citizens’ initiative for referendum is the power attributed to a number of citizens or to a percentage of them to trigger a referendum concerning a political question of general interest or a legislative text, thus giving the electorate the decision regarding its relevance, approval or repeal. Unlike initiatives for referendum attributed to sub-central entities in some composite states and initiatives granted to parliamentary minorities, citizens’ initiative for referendum is generally acknowledged in comparative law. Where introduced, citizens’ initiative for referendum is used to tackle the passivity or lack of receptiveness of legislators and to promote the adoption of constitutional or legislative reforms; it can also be used to control and correct the result of parliamentary processes involved in the formation of the general will. In this study, we will analyse the comparative regulation and practice of citizens’ initiatives whose purpose is the holding of propositional referendums concerning rules and decisions of national importance, the ratification of voted but not enacted laws and the repeal of laws in force. We will also study the attempts to regulate citizens’ initiatives in Spain, paying special attention to the proposal for constitutional reform approved by the General Board of the Principality of Asturias, which is still pending consideration.","PeriodicalId":43046,"journal":{"name":"Teoria y Realidad Constitucional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24423","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47872153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"El nuevo mapa de partidos en las Comunidades Autónomas y sus efectos en la forma de gobierno: «Mucho ruido y pocas nueces»","authors":"Elviro Aranda Álvarez","doi":"10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24410","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24410","url":null,"abstract":"El presente trabajo analiza la aparición de nuevas fuerzas políticas en el ámbito de las CCAA y su incidencia en el sistema de gobierno. Lo primero que observamos es que pese a esa nueva situación las estrategias de poder han variado poco y los nuevos partidos pronto se han integrado en la dinámica del sistema. Es cierto que vivimos un nuevo tiempo parlamentario en el que el pluralismo de grupos es mucho más significativo, pero ello no ha generado gran inestabilidad institucional. Probablemente porque no solo el sistema electoral incide en garantizar la estabilidad sino que también la racionalización parlamentaria hace que, una vez que se ha conseguido la investidura, el Gobierno disponga de una «sobre alimentación» con la que controlar la vida política y, en particular, la parlamentaria.This paper analyses the emergence of new political forces in the Autonomous Communities and their impact on the governmental system. The first thing we observe is that despite this new situation, power strategies have changed little and the new parties soon integrated into the dynamics of the system. It is true that we live in new parliamentary times in which the pluralism of groups is much more significant, but this has not generated great institutional instability. Stability is ensured probably not only due to the electoral system but also parliamentary rationalization which means that, after the investiture, the Government has an “overload” with which to control political and, in particular, parliamentary life.","PeriodicalId":43046,"journal":{"name":"Teoria y Realidad Constitucional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24410","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47306761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"El futuro de las provincias y las diputaciones provinciales ante una reforma de la Constitución territorial","authors":"J. Tejada","doi":"10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24409","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24409","url":null,"abstract":"Este artículo es una contribución al debate sobre la conveniencia o no de suprimir las diputaciones provinciales (de régimen común). El trabajo expone el origen y la evolución del régimen provincial en España, desde 1812, y examina después el marco constitucional vigente y su desarrollo legislativo. Con esas premisas se analiza el principal argumento para justificar el mantenimiento de las Diputaciones provinciales: el minifundismo municipal, y se confronta con la praxis de los últimos años. En este contexto se defiende la intermunicipalidad como respuesta más lógica y coherente (también en el Derecho comparado) a un mapa municipal excesivamente fragmentado y se propone la supresión de las diputaciones provinciales.This article is a contribution to the debate on whether or not to abolish provincial councils. The work exposes the origin and evolution of the provincial regime in Spain, since 1812, and then examines the current constitutional framework and its legislative development. With these premises is analyzed the main argument to justify the maintenance of provincial councils: municipal minifundismo, and is confronted with the praxis of recent years. In this context, intermunicipality is defended as the most logical and coherent response (also in comparative law) to an excessively fragmented municipal map and the suppression of provincial councils is proposed.","PeriodicalId":43046,"journal":{"name":"Teoria y Realidad Constitucional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24409","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42097618","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"RESEÑA de: Ascensión Elvira Perales. Libertad de circulación de personas en la Unión Europea. CEPC, Madrid, 2017","authors":"E. Cabrero","doi":"10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24443","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24443","url":null,"abstract":"<jats:p>-</jats:p>","PeriodicalId":43046,"journal":{"name":"Teoria y Realidad Constitucional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24443","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43600660","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Referéndum y secesión","authors":"Giuseppe de Vergottini","doi":"10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24400","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24400","url":null,"abstract":"La referencia cada vez más insistente al vínculo entre el referéndum y la secesión no permite justificar la negación del principio de legalidad constitucional. El instituto del referéndum como instrumento de democracia directa, cuando está vinculado a la solicitud de independencia, debe estar previsto constitucionalmente o autorizarse a través de un procedimiento de revisión constitucional.The ever more persistent reference to the link between referendum and secession does not allow to justify the denial of the constitutional legality principle. When the referendum is connected to the Independence request, as a tool of direct democracy has to be constitutionally foreseen or autorized through a constitutional revision procedure.","PeriodicalId":43046,"journal":{"name":"Teoria y Realidad Constitucional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24400","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44197991","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"RESEÑA de: María Esther Seijas Villadangos. Estrategias participativas para la resolución extrajudicial de conflictos territoriales en los Estados compuestos: Estudio comparado (Canadá, Estados Unidos y España). INAP, Madrid, 2018","authors":"M. Crespo","doi":"10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24445","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24445","url":null,"abstract":"<jats:p>-</jats:p>","PeriodicalId":43046,"journal":{"name":"Teoria y Realidad Constitucional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24445","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48293105","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"La implantación del ‘voto rogado’ en España: el perjudicial límite a la participación electoral de los españoles residentes en el extranjero a punto de enmendarse","authors":"J. Crespo","doi":"10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24434","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24434","url":null,"abstract":"La reforma de 2011 de la legislación electoral, relativa al voto de los españoles en el extranjero, ha generado un debate político y social desde su aprobación sobre la conveniencia de mantener el denominado voto rogado. El cambio legal buscaba incrementar las garantías en el ejercicio del derecho al sufragio activo en el exterior, pero realmente incorporó una traba más al procedimiento dificultando la participación electoral de los españoles residentes en el extranjero. Como consecuencia, las cifras de participación de españoles en el extranjero en los procesos electorales celebrados desde 2011, son inferiores a las registradas antes de la reforma. Recientemente, la Subcomisión parlamentaria para la reforma electoral debate una modificación legal para derogar el voto rogado, aunque todavía no existe un acuerdo unánime en torno a la nueva fórmula para el ejercicio del derecho al voto de los españoles residentes en el extranjero.The reform of electoral legislation about the vote of Spanish citizens residing abroad has generated a political and social debate on the convenience of maintaining the so-called “voto rogado” since its approval in 2011. The legal change sought to increase the guarantees in the exercise of the right to active suffrage abroad, but it actually incorporated another obstacle in the procedure, making it difficult for Spanish residents abroad to vote. As a result, the voter turnout rates of Spanish citizens residing abroad in the electoral processes held from 2011 are lower than those registered before this reform. Recently, the Parliamentary Subcommittee for the electoral reform is debating a legal amendment to repeal “voto rogado”, although there is still no unanimous agreement around the new formula for exercising the right to vote of Spanish citizens residing abroad.","PeriodicalId":43046,"journal":{"name":"Teoria y Realidad Constitucional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.5944/TRC.43.2019.24434","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49196992","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}