New Perspectives最新文献

{"title":"Anti-colonial neo-traditionalism in Central-Eastern Europe: A theoretical examination","authors":"Francesco Melito","doi":"10.1177/2336825X221135127","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X221135127","url":null,"abstract":"The enormous attention devoted to populism has simplified the framework for analysis of the “illiberal turn” in Central-Eastern Europe. Although a populist aspect is certainly present, reductio ad populismum neglects other interpretations of the current political polarization. The article contributes to the literature on the cultural aspects of illiberalism as it offers an innovative theoretical examination of illiberalism(s) in the region. It proposes the concept of neo-traditionalism as a more comprehensive lens of analysis of the anti-colonial narrative against the “foreign liberal West” to defend the “genuine traditional Europe.” Neo-traditionalism in Central-Eastern Europe captures two criticisms of progressive liberalism. First, it contrasts progressive modernizing values. Emancipation and fluid identities are counterbalanced by a discourse where traditions provide ontological security and culturally defined identities. Second, it denounces the foreign origin of progressivism. The liberal West is described as a colonial power aiming to destroy “our authentic way of life.” Thus, the populist dimension of illiberalism in Central-Eastern Europe could be better grasped if we applied the concept of neo-traditionalism. Not only are the elites isolated from the people. They are also deemed to impose a colonial project to replace and modernize true European values.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"1 1","pages":"349 - 366"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89666803","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Left anti-politics or left populism? Political distinctions at the end of the end of history","authors":"Nicholas Kiersey","doi":"10.1177/2336825X221132934","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X221132934","url":null,"abstract":"This review essay argues that once a fuller genealogy of populism is presented, Hochuli et al.’s rationale for attempting to corral the left into an embrace of nationalism begins to look suspicious. Despite the authors’ claims, the genealogy of American left populism reveals a political project that is not at all aligned with the virtue-hoarding desires of the left flank of the Professional Managerial Class (PMC). To the contrary, it is a political project synonymous with the material struggles of the global working class. Thus, while we should concede that the contemporary Left has been captured to no small degree by PMC sensibilities, a full understanding of today’s ongoing revival in socialism requires further explanation. To this end, this essay argues that we need a proper discussion about the history of left populism in the United States, its meaningful achievements, and its potential as a strategic partner. Admittedly, the term “populism” has very different valences, depending on whether it is used in an American or European context. But it cannot be gainsaid that the term originated in America, and that American populism has hewed more toward working class struggle over the sort of “woke” ideologies, worried about in The End of the End of History.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"107 1","pages":"389 - 405"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77412071","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"‘Kresy’ as the heart of darkness: Reading Polish and Belgian colonialisms","authors":"Anna Shimomura","doi":"10.1177/2336825X221134194","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X221134194","url":null,"abstract":"‘Kresy’ [borderlands/outskirts] is a sentimental term used by Poles to denote the lands of today’s Western Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania. The Polish rule in that region has rarely been discussed in terms of colonialism. In this article, I employ the framework of postcolonial theory within the context of Polish rule in ‘Kresy’. The article juxtaposes anthropologist Józef Obrębski’s ethnographic writings about Polesia region (a part of ‘Kresy’ that was polonised in the most extreme manner) with Heart of Darkness by Joseph Conrad – a Polish-British author born and raised in ‘Kresy’, that during his time was subjugated by Russian Empire. The figure of Conrad, whose ambivalent relationship with colonialism was pointed out by many postcolonial scholars starting with Chinua Achebe, becomes a point of departure to think about what Maria Janion describes as ‘the paradoxical Polish postcolonial mentality’: the ambivalence of being a colonised coloniser. The article is an attempt of contribution to the ongoing debate about identity and dependence in the East Central Europe region.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"34 1","pages":"323 - 348"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88173376","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Social purpose and autonomy at the end of the end of history: A response to critics","authors":"Alexandre C. Hochuli","doi":"10.1177/2336825X221132930","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X221132930","url":null,"abstract":"That the End of History is over is no longer in dispute, but drift and decay, rather than a restarting of History proper, is the order of the day. In this article, critical discussions of The End of the End of History by Daniel Zamora, Anton Jäger, Nicholas Kiersey and Richard Sakwa are responded to. Zamora’s focus on the displacement of social conflict outside the workplace is discussed as a feature of political disintermediation, creating a boundless sort of politics. An alternative to Jäger’s proposed term, ‘hyperpolitics’, is then advanced, as a means of leaving open the possibility of greater politicisation in the future. A defence of the way left-populist movements are cast as essentially ‘anti-political’ is then ventured, in opposition to Kiersey. Sakwa’s criticisms of our historicism are then turned on their head, before we consider the impact that the Ukraine war may have on History’s putative return. By way of conclusion, the dichotomies of resignation versus autonomy, and compliance versus social purpose, are discussed as the pivots on which History’s return will be decided.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"21 1","pages":"415 - 423"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78655806","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"War and decolonization in Ukraine","authors":"Tarak Barkawi","doi":"10.1177/2336825X221132935","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X221132935","url":null,"abstract":"This essay considers the Ukraine conflict as a war of decolonization. It understands decolonization as a practice of world order making that creates international relations out of imperial relations. What does such a perspective tell us about the conflict in Ukraine and its implications for world politics?","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"85 1","pages":"317 - 322"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77301756","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The illusion of the end","authors":"Anton Jäger","doi":"10.1177/2336825X221132933","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X221132933","url":null,"abstract":"What would it mean to treat post-history as ‘history’? Taking up this question, Alex Hochuli, George Hoare and Phil Cunliffe’s The End of the End of History reads Francis Fukuyama’s diagnosis of the ‘end of history’ thesis through the lens of political economy, while anatomizing its demise in the populist 2010s. This roundtable contribution assesses Hoare, Cunliffe and Hochuli’s diagnosis in light of recent developments. Stalked by inflation, resurgent militarism and so-called hyper-politics, the 2020s present both challenge and vindication to the ‘Aufhebunga’ approach to post-post-history.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"68 1","pages":"410 - 414"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79114962","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"History without engines","authors":"Daniel Zamora Vargas","doi":"10.1177/2336825X221132931","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X221132931","url":null,"abstract":"In the autumn of 1901, after spending three years in exile in a peasant’s hut in Siberia, Lenin began writing what would become his most influential book:What Is To Be Done? (Lenin, 1902) “Without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement,” the Russian Bolshevik famously argued in the first chapter of his pamphlet. But more than a plea for the importance of ideas in the making of history, Lenin’s argument was essentially about the leading role of the party in the revolution. The workers themselves, he thought, couldn’t reach spontaneously the consciousness of their historic mission. Revolutionary theory could then only “be brought to [the workers] from without,” “from outside the sphere of relations between workers and employers” (Lenin, 1902: 48). Behind the abstract laws of historical materialism, Lenin’s task was, as the Belgian Marxist Marcel Liebman once wrote, to create the “instrument” through which the revolutionary project could be realized (Liebman, 1973: 15). Historical turns required organizations that could channel collective struggles into specific directions. In order to be more than “just one fucking thing after another,” to quote Alan Bennett, history had to be coerced into grand narratives. The flow of events could only be shaped by collective and conscious actors. Class struggle was the steam of History but it needed an engine to move forward. The fall of the Soviet Union, exactly ninety years after Lenin theorized the revolution, would however put History on hold. As Fukuyama famously wrote, we had reached “the total exhaustion of viable systematic alternatives to Western liberalism.”While his end of history didn’t imply the end of conflicts nor that all societies would embrace liberal democracy, it nonetheless meant the replacement of ideological battles by “boring” “economic calculation,” “the endless solving of technical problems, environmental concerns, and the satisfaction of sophisticated consumer demands” (Fukuyama, 1989). As in Frederick Taylor’s scientific management, governments wouldn’t require anymore “generals or statesmen” but engineers to deal with what would remain: “economic activity.” Citizens could opt out from grand narratives, unbound by the will of the majority and free to lead their lives as they wish within the rules set by technocrats. And in effect, the expansion of markets as the ordering principle of the social order—guiding investment and reshaping the global division of labor—reduced the relevance of collective decisions. Citizens could now exert their rights as consumers, outside any kind of collective body. Voting on the marketplace, as Milton and Rose Friedman argued, could bring “unanimity without conformity” (Friedman and Friedman, 1980: 66).","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"14 1","pages":"406 - 409"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87724285","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The end of endism","authors":"R. Sakwa","doi":"10.1177/2336825X221132937","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X221132937","url":null,"abstract":"When history ends, that will be the end of everything; but of course we are talking about a different sort of end. In the late 1980s, several cycles of history came to an end, although the events of that time were the culmination of changes that had been gathering for some time. The paradoxical feature of the debate at the time was that the potential for genuine change and the capacity for critical reflection on the epochal developments taking place at the time were derailed by the publication of Francis Fukuyama’s ‘The End of History’ in The National Interest in the summer of 1989. The debate thereafter focused on the rather hollow philosophical debate on the possibility of alternatives to liberal capitalism rather than on what could potentially have been a much richer discussion on the quality of the relationship between markets and democracy and the balance to be drawn between state intervention and market autonomy. No less significant, the quality of the peace order that could be built as the Cold War came to an end should have been centre stage. Instead, discussion of these two fundamental issues was muted as a sterile historicism once again predominated. Just as Marxist historicism was being chased out through the front door, a rather vulgar and conformist neoHegelian interpretation about the meaning and purpose of history slunk in through the back door.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"12 1","pages":"384 - 388"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73889749","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Three central triggers for the emergence of Central and Eastern European anti-gender alliances","authors":"K. Fábián","doi":"10.1177/2336825X221113257","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X221113257","url":null,"abstract":"The anti-gender movements began in the West but have thus far been most influential and governmentally supported in Hungary, Poland and Russia. Anti-genderism has served multiple functions to entrench what proponents label as traditional values, while promoting specific class and racialised interests in the cloak of rejecting both the communist past and Western European political and social expectations. Why did anti-genderism develop and become pronounced in otherwise different post-communist countries? This article traces the origins of these movements based on news coverage and scholarly sources, arguing that anti-gender movements signal authoritarian trends and thus matter deeply for open, democratic societies. The Hungarian, Polish and Russian cases offer similar but distinct variations in the political trajectory of their respective movements, highlighting the feedback between conservative, expressively patriarchal, and populist forces and their embracing of anti-genderism.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"33 1","pages":"293 - 310"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77875395","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"“Sorosoids”: Dehumanization and open society in contemporary Bulgaria","authors":"Lubomir Terziev","doi":"10.1177/2336825X221113232","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X221113232","url":null,"abstract":"This text elucidates some of the uses and connotations of the word “sorosoid,” which has recently permeated the public discourse in Bulgaria, used to refer to individuals and organizations affiliated with Soros’ Open Society Foundation. I am particularly interested in the inflection “-oid,” which seeks to echo the word “humanoid.” In other words, my specific concern is with strategies of dehumanization of neoliberals in Bulgaria, whereby the fundamental values of open society in this country are challenged. The paper provides a glimpse of some key ideological attitudes in one of Europe’s post-communist democracies.","PeriodicalId":42556,"journal":{"name":"New Perspectives","volume":"19 1","pages":"255 - 273"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88212512","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}