{"title":"From the editors","authors":"Dag T.T. Haug, Brian D. Joseph, Anna Roussou","doi":"10.1163/15699846-02301005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02301005","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136067164","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Vowel hiatus resolution in Koine Greek","authors":"José A. Berenguer-Sánchez","doi":"10.1163/15699846-02301003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02301003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The spellings -ις, -ιν instead of -ιος, -ιον are a characteristic feature of Koine Greek. The circumstances in which they arose have constituted a vexed question. Their presence in Egyptian Greek documentary papyri from III BC to VIII AD stands out. Nowadays it is possible, thanks to new digital tools, to access all the regularized spellings in modern editions. Analysis and typological comparison allow us to rethink the hypotheses put forward in previous studies. In particular, it is useful not to study these spellings independently of the spellings -oῦ, -ῶ(ι) instead of -ίου, -ίω(ι). The graphic omission of ⟨o⟩ in some forms and of ⟨ι⟩ in others reflects different results of a vowel hiatus resolution process in sequences of increasing sonority [i.V(C)]. This process is gradient and different allophones could be represented by the same spelling. Of the possible factors for the omission of ⟨o⟩ or ⟨ι⟩, the word accent distribution is the basic cause determining the final form. However, as usually happens in processes of vowel hiatus resolution in other languages, other internal or external factors may also have influenced the results. Due to this gradience in the process and the distinction of glides of different types, the effect of V1 (converted into a glide) on the previous consonant could be different from what has been documented in [Cj] groups in other stages of Greek.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49346380","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Classical Greek object cases","authors":"A.J. Murphy, Stanley Dubinsky","doi":"10.1163/15699846-02301004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02301004","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 We examine here the distribution of morphological case (e.g., accusative, genitive, and dative) among object complements of monotransitive verbs in Classical Greek (CG). Accusative-marked objects are generally deemed to be direct objects (DO), while dative- and genitive-marked complements are typically treated as syntactically or semantically separate, sometimes being treated as objects bearing exceptional/semantic/quirky case and sometimes being analyzed simply as indirect objects (IO). Restricting our focus to verbs which have a single complement, we can observe that the distribution of accusative (ACC), genitive (GEN), and dative (DAT) marking on these in CG is atypical. CG productively places DAT and GEN NP s alongside ACC NP s as a singular complement to monotransitive verbs, allowing them to occupy what would normally be thought of as the direct-object position, but for their GEN and DAT case-marking. We offer an analysis of these verbs and their semanto-syntactic collocations, seeking to understand what is communicated through the marking of either ACC, GEN, or DAT on complement NP s. We find first that ACC and GEN-marking verbs interact in a transitivity hierarchy, being set apart by the change of state of the object (following an analysis laid out by Luraghi 2010). Second, we find that DAT-marking verbs exist outside of this hierarchy, making up their own productive class of interaction verbs, those which denote a complex series of overlapping subevents (first laid out by Blume 1998). Thus, this study offers an analysis of a wide array of ACC, GEN, and DAT case-marking verbs collected from a corpus of nine Classical Greek authors, providing the first statistical analysis of the conundrum of ‘atypical’ case-selection patterns of Classical Greek monotransitive verbs, wherein non-ACC cases are used to mark what appear to be DO s.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43452449","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The survival of the optative in New Testament Greek","authors":"Michele Bianconi, E. Magni","doi":"10.1163/15699846-tat00001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-tat00001","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article offers new insights on the status of the optative in New Testament Greek, mapping it against the diachronic encoding of modality in Ancient Greek in light of typology and pragmatics. Virtually all available scholarship on the subject focusses on the ‘decline’ of the optative; in this article, we choose to focus on its survival in fixed expressions and specific types of speech acts. Through a comprehensive reanalysis of the New Testament data, we argue that the optative is ‘pushed out’ of the strict domain of modality and syntax and into that of illocution and pragmatics. Evidence from ancient grammatical thought, sociolinguistics, and language contact corroborates this view.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48903602","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Parenthetical conditionals and insubordinate clauses in Ancient Greek","authors":"Emilia Ruiz Yamuza","doi":"10.1163/15699846-02202002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02202002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The purpose of the article is an in-depth study of the pragmatic and textual functions of several conditional clauses of ancient Greek constructed with verbs meaning “to want”. As a prior step, six types of structures are identified applying Thetical Grammar concepts and the idea of insubordination: five of these are parenthetical, and one is insubordinate. The structures work in the domain of speaker/hearer interaction, the domain of text organisation—reformulators and exemplifiers—and the domain of expressing the speaker’s attitudes.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46315072","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Atticist lexica as metalinguistic resource for morphosyntactic change in Post-Classical Greek","authors":"Ezra la Roi","doi":"10.1163/15699846-02202001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02202001","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 While ancient metalinguistic resources such as lexica and scholia are increasingly studied in the field of ancient scholarship (Montanari 2020), they are investigated less within the historical sociolinguistics of Ancient Greek. Analysing the Atticist lexica by Phrynichus, Moeris and Aelius Dionysius, this article illustrates the historically persistent connection between social perception of and diachronic change within Ancient Greek. Although the historical relevance of Atticist prescriptivism has been observed, the evidence that these social evaluations provide for Post-Classical Greek language change is rarely assessed systematically (except for objectionable ideological reasons). I demonstrate that the Atticist lexica display metalinguistic awareness of the major morphosyntactic changes characterizing Post-Classical Greek (pace Lee 2013:286): paradigmatic (e.g. analogical levelling in verbal system of endings, voice and augment), category changes, category renewal (e.g. dual, pronouns, periphrasis), syntactic change (category expansion of ἔμελλον and τυγχάνω) and case changes (e.g. from case to prepositions).","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44067494","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Referential vagueness, plurality, and discourse dependence","authors":"Urtzi Etxeberria, A. Giannakidou","doi":"10.1163/15699846-02202003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02202003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Referentially vague (or ‘ignorance’) indefinites are known to exhibit apparently conflicting behavior: in the singular, they are referentially vague (Giannakidou and Quer 2013, Alonso-Ovalle and Menéndez-Benito 2010, 2011, 2013), but in the plural they appear to depend on a discourse given set. The phenomenon is typically discussed in the context of Spanish algún/algunos (Gutiérrez-Rexach 2001, 2010, Martí 2008, 2009); but in this paper we offer extensive novel data from the Greek indefinites kapjos/kapjoi exhibiting the same asymmetry between the singular and the plural. The apparent conflict between the two variants, we propose, is just that—apparent: the indefinites remain referentially vague in both uses. Referential vagueness is not at odds with discourse familiarity, and the apparent differences between the singular and the plural follow from NP-ellipsis, the potential topicality of the indefinite, and the way vagueness interacts with plurality.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42804916","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Double marking of the past in Early Modern Greek","authors":"Nikos Koutsoukos, E. Karantzola","doi":"10.1163/15699846-02201001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02201001","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper examines double marking of the past feature in verbal formations with preverbs in Early Modern Greek (16th c.). This period is characterized by great linguistic variation reflected in every type of text. We compiled a dataset of 268 formations from a corpus which includes 250 excerpts of prose texts (155,717 words in total). Our analysis is based on quantitative and qualitative criteria. We argue that double marking of the past feature in this period can take two forms, that is, it can be realized as two distinct prefixes (explicit multiple exponence), or it can be realized by one verbal augment (prefix) and as part of the information carried by the verbal allomorph (implicit multiple exponence). The double exponence of this inflectional feature hints at a process of externalization of inflection, while pleonastic exponence of the past feature related to stem allomorphy can be explained as a tendency for explicit exponents of inflectional features.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41243501","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A new phonological analysis of geminates in Cypriot Greek (and beyond)","authors":"N. Topintzi","doi":"10.1163/15699846-02201002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15699846-02201002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Cypriot Greek geminates have been the subject of much past research and controversy. One major challenge has been their proper syllabification. Another involves their weight status. Taking stock of recent phonetic evidence that supports an inherent mora for Cypriot Greek geminates and tautosyllabicity on the basis of durational effects on the vowel that follows the geminate (Armosti 2011), I build a formal phonological analysis of Cypriot Greek lexical geminates as moraic onsets. The analysis employs WCL (‘weight-and-concomitant-length’), a new theory of gemination designed to handle both the weight and length properties of lexical geminates in comparison to singletons, as attested cross-linguistically. WCL manages to produce both heavy and light geminates on the surface, and dispenses with double linking as a means to express a geminate’s increased length. These features of WCL prove crucial in the analysis of Cypriot Greek. Finally, WCL’s theoretical and typological superiority is furnished through its extensions to other patterns.","PeriodicalId":42386,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Greek Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48219183","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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