{"title":"Les Conversations Tocqueville 1ère édition 8–9 juin 2018","authors":"C. Audard","doi":"10.3138/ttr.39.2.197","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/ttr.39.2.197","url":null,"abstract":"Résumé:La Fondation Tocqueville a réuni au Château de Tocqueville les 8 et 9 juin 2018 des intellectuels et des acteurs de la société civile des deux rives de l’Atlantique pour une conversation sur l’évolution de nos démocraties, aujourd’hui mises à l’épreuve et confrontées à une série de révoltes populaires qui révèlent une crise de confiance profonde des peuples vis-à-vis des élites politiques. Un peu partout dans le monde, les « démocratures » et les « démocraties illibérales » font école. Les régimes autoritaires apparaissent plus efficaces que les démocraties et les modèles « alternatifs » font école en Russie, en Turquie ou en Chine. Jusqu’à quel point les démocraties libérales sont-elles menacées et quels sont les dangers réels ?","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"197 - 204"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44280866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Raymond Aron and the Prospect of a German Nuclear Armament","authors":"Joël Mouric","doi":"10.3138/TTR.39.2.51","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/TTR.39.2.51","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Was the Federal Republic of Germany, as Stanley Hoffmann once put it, “the country that [had] most deliberately chosen to put independence after safety”? In the early sixties, his friend Raymond Aron alluded to the possibility of a West German nuclear armament, while chancellor Adenauer was eager to leave open the possibility thereof. Such a hypothesis, which contradicts Aron’s reputation as a prudent strategist, should be put in historical perspective. Back in 1960, nuclear weapons were not only the crux of the East-West balance of power, but also a matter of the highest importance for the West European nation-states: Britain, France and Western Germany. This article, with reference to Marc Trachtenberg’s A constructed peace, analyzes Aron’s views on a West German nuclear armament at the global and European levels. It suggests that, while Aron was empathetic towards the German longing for reunification and equality of rights epitomized in the controversial vision of a national deterrent, he was simultaneously convinced that the existing balance of power would rule out both aspirations.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"51 - 62"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43638662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Representative Institutions and the Question of Lefortian Democracy","authors":"G. Conti","doi":"10.3138/TTR.39.2.135","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/TTR.39.2.135","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Claude Lefort’s interests as a democratic theorist primarily lied elsewhere than in institutional questions. This essay, however, takes up what commentary he did provide on representative institutions to offer a new interpretation of his thought. Focusing in particular on little-studied writings of his from the late 1980s, this essay argues that at the institutional level Lefort was committed to a descriptive account of representation, based in a network of associations beyond the electoral sphere, that resembled earlier liberal and pluralist theories. This revised understanding of Lefort raises broader questions about the democratic credentials of Lefort’s theory, which are too often taken for granted, and suggests that he fits comfortably within longstanding liberal traditions of thought about inclusive, deliberative government.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"135 - 163"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69416105","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Amica America: Raymond Aron’s Views on Franco-American Relations in 1945","authors":"Or Rosenboim","doi":"10.3138/TTR.39.2.35","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/TTR.39.2.35","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:During the Second World War, Raymond Aron began publishing political commentary in journals and newspapers aimed at a general non-expert readership. This wartime undertaking would become a life-long commitment to expanding political debate beyond the professional spheres of academia and policy making. This study recovers and analyses a concise article that Aron published in August 1945 in the French illustrated journal Point de vue. This forgotten journalistic source reflects idea of the role and responsibility of the public intellectual in a changing world and powerfully conveys three important aspects of Aron’s international thought. First, Aron implicitly advances the idea that the general public has a key function in shaping democratic foreign policy. Moreover, I argue that Aron’s short political analysis provides valuable insight on two theoretical notions that merit the attention of international relations scholars: the concept of ‘friendship’ in international relations and the idea of popular ‘spatial awareness’ as condition for a democratic state’s position in international order. This study suggests that in Aron’s vision of post-war order, articulated immediately after the end of the Second World War, the invocation of the idea of ‘Amica America’ sought to redefine the relations between France and the United States, but also the very political future of the Hexagon.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"35 - 50"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43438156","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Foule d'hier et populisme d'aujourd'hui","authors":"O. Bosc","doi":"10.3138/TTR.39.1.141","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/TTR.39.1.141","url":null,"abstract":"Résumé:L'émergence de la question des foules, au tournant du XIXe siècle, et plus spécifiquement la contribution de l'école italienne de criminologie et les travaux de Scipio Sighele (1868-1913), forment un moment clé de l'émergence de la modernité politique. La foule criminelle devient, contre toute attente, protagoniste social et politique dans des modalités aussi distinctes et divergentes que l'irrédentisme politique ou le syndicalisme révolutionnaire en Italie, l'élitisme républicain ou le mouvement des intellectuels en France. Mais ce moment « foule » n'appartient plus simplement à l'histoire. Confronté aux populismes historiques et situés, mais surtout relié à l'émergence contemporaine des néo-populismes, il éclaire d'un jour nouveau ces phénomènes. Car c'est bien sous ces auspices que s'opère aujourd'hui le retour des foules, c'est-à-dire du peuple, du populisme. Et c'est une percée dans un domaine où les travaux théorétiques, à l'exception notable de ceux d'Ernesto Laclau, achoppent sur la notion toujours floue et fuyante de populisme.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"141 - 156"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48397506","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Mob, people, crowds, and masses: Mass psychology and populism","authors":"Patricia Chiantera-Stutte","doi":"10.3138/TTR.39.1.157","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/TTR.39.1.157","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The contribution will attempt to reflect on the interplay in recent theories of populism and crowd psychology between the ideas of mob and crowd on the one hand, and those of mass and people on the other. Using an approach deriving from the history of ideas, it will outline two fundamental aspects of the complex and ambivalent interaction between the concepts of people, crowds, masses and mob: first, the transformation of the protesting crowd or mob into \"the people,\" the legitimate source of sovereignty; second, the distinction between regressive crowds and mobs and progressive masses and peoples, stated both explicitly and implicitly in crowd psychology and populist theory. This article will also aim to highlight an idea that has come to the fore in much of the recent literature on populism. It has long been observed that populism opposes \"corrupted\" elites and the \"honest\" people. But it has recently been observed that a major source of populist mobilization is a distinction, within \"the people,\" between a \"positive\" people and the \"others,\" the plebs who are left outside the dynamics of any kind of political representation. The article will show that this distinction is fundamental in order to understand not only the construction of populist political identity, but also the dynamics of the mobilization of new movements, which claim to take charge of the political processes and change the rules of the game.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"157 - 176"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42726412","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Crowd and nation: Character in the age of race","authors":"M. Nacci","doi":"10.3138/TTR.39.1.75","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/TTR.39.1.75","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:What relationship is there between the crowd and the nation? This article investigates these two concepts during the epoch (last quarter of the XIXth century) which saw collective psychology flourish. According to collective psychology, the crowd is a single subject which does not coincide with the sum of the members making it up: the crowd, that is, has a face. The nation possesses the same feature, especially in the version of national character: each nation is a collective subject and each nation has its own personality. What is even more significant is that in both cases, the concepts of race, heredity and imitation play a very important role: the crowd expresses the soul of the race, and the nation is closely interlocked with the race. The crowd and the nation show in action a hereditary mechanism of a type, which is not individual, but collective, thanks to which their features are maintained through time. Finally, the crowd and the nation show the fundamental role which imitation plays within them: in the crowd, resembling others is pathological (autonomy and originality of individual judgement are lost), while sharing some features with other citizens within the nation serves to cement unity. Crowd, nation, race, heredity ceaselessly pursue each other giving rise to versions which may or may not be deterministic, naturalist, racialist, depending on the various authors.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"75 - 97"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43189342","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Histoire et mémoire","authors":"A. Burguiére","doi":"10.3138/TTR.39.1.199","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/TTR.39.1.199","url":null,"abstract":"Résumé:L'effacement de l'Avenir dû à la crise de l'idée de Progrès et la requalification du passé en patrimoine depuis les années 1980 ont accompagné l'ascension d'une nouvelle valeur : la Mémoire. L'histoire positiviste se méfiait de la mémoire collective. Sa réhabilitation comme source de la connaissance historique est venue de « minorités » (peuples colonisés, classes populaires, etc..) désireuses d'échapper à la domination idéologique des classes dirigeantes. Le succès des Lieux de Mémoire de Pierre Nora marque l'adhésion du monde savant ainsi que du grand public à cette vision à la fois patrimoniale et critique de notre relation au passé. Car cette adhésion est ambivalente. Le grand public parcourt l'ouvrage avec émotion comme un album de photos de famille. Les historiens y voient un biais pour remplacer l'ambition de construire un savoir objectif par celle d'un exercice personnel d'écriture.Pierre Nora avait remis à l'honneur les idées de Maurice Halbwachs sur la mémoire collective pour penser les représentations politiques. Chaque époque remanie son imaginaire national. Ce qu'on appelle l'histoire nationale n'est que l'addition de ces remaniements successifs. Mais si l'historien aspire à être plus qu'un simple fabuliste, il doit s'interroger sur les processus sociaux qui ont produit nos récits nationaux. Il doit questionner cette mémoire accumulée, non se borner à la réciter.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"199 - 218"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48709285","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The French and the Italians in relation to the difference principle","authors":"Michel Forsé, L. Tronca","doi":"10.3138/TTR.39.1.179","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/TTR.39.1.179","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:According to John Rawls, maximin, which requires that the economic situation of the most underprivileged should be maximized, is one of the fundamental principles of social justice. Based on three scenarios which attempt to place respondents behind a \"veil of ignorance\", a French survey (PISJ, 2009) and an Italian survey (OSCF, 2016) conducted on representative quota-based samples show that support for this principle considerably outweighs support for strong equality and the maximization of total or average wealth. In addition, this choice transcends many sociodemographic or ideological divisions. The respondents were, however, much more undecided about which is more just: a society in which the poorest members are more numerous but richer or a society in which the poorest members are fewer in number but poorer. The robustness of the findings is confirmed by the similarity between the results from France and Italy.Résumé:Le principe du maximin, qui exige que le sort économique des plus défavorisés soit maximisé, est selon John Rawls un des principes fondamentaux de justice sociale. À partir de trois scénarios qui cherchent à placer les enquêtés derrière un « voile d'ignorance », une enquête française (PISJ, 2009) et une enquête italienne (OSCF, 2016) sur des échantillons représentatifs par quotas montrent que ce principe est largement préféré à une plus forte égalité ou à une maximisation de la richesse globale ou moyenne. C'est de plus un choix qui transcende bon nombre de clivages sociodémographiques ou idéologiques. Les personnes interrogées sont en revanche nettement plus indécises en ce qui concerne la question de savoir s'il est plus juste que les plus pauvres soient plus nombreux et gagnent plus ou au contraire qu'ils soient moins nombreux mais gagnent moins. La convergence de ces résultats entre l'Italie et la France en conforte la robustesse.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"179 - 197"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42150772","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Alexis De Tocqueville, The Modern Democratic Nation-State, and Its Competitors","authors":"Glyn Morgan","doi":"10.3138/TTR.39.1.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/TTR.39.1.11","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper draws on Tocqueville's Democracy in America to distinguish three different types of modern democracy—(i) the democratic nation-state, (ii) the post sovereign, multinational democracy, and (iii) the populist national democracy. The paper argues that all three have characteristic deficits—respectively, a security deficit, a democratic deficit, and a liberal deficit. The paper discusses the likely impact of Brexit and Trump on these forms of democracy in modern Europe. The paper concludes that while Trump—and more especially, \"Trumpism\"—poses a challenge to the European Union, Brexit presents an opportunity to demonstrate to its own citizens the benefits of this type of polity.","PeriodicalId":41972,"journal":{"name":"Tocqueville Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"11 - 24"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46586919","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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