{"title":"The Other Souls of Black Folk: George Washington Woodbey and the Spirit of Socialism","authors":"K. Roy","doi":"10.1086/725851","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/725851","url":null,"abstract":"The ideas of Booker T. Washington and W. E. B. Du Bois have long dominated discussions about Black political thought at the turn of the twentieth century. However, little attention has been paid to these thinkers’ implicit commitments to capitalism, which brings their apparently divergent perspectives into closer alignment. Black socialist preacher and former slave George Washington Woodbey’s internationally acclaimed booklet What to Do and How to Do It (1903), which was published the same year as Du Bois’s The Souls of Black Folk, brings a new perspective to the Du Bois–Washington debate. While the East Coast titans inadvertently recapitulated the capitalist order, Woodbey’s West Coast Christian socialist counterpoint to their secular pro-capitalist assumptions invites new discussions about the period known as both the Progressive Era and the nadir of American race relations, which has ongoing implications for contemporary debates about the intersection of race, religion, and capitalism in the United States.","PeriodicalId":41928,"journal":{"name":"American Political Thought","volume":"12 1","pages":"319 - 356"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42011526","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":":A Political Economy of Justice","authors":"Brandon Davis","doi":"10.1086/725845","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/725845","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41928,"journal":{"name":"American Political Thought","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45208700","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Small-Town Life and Difference","authors":"Elly Long","doi":"10.1086/725852","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/725852","url":null,"abstract":"Political theory and related disciplines often carry the assumption that the small-town ideal of community is essentially homogenous and difference denying. Against this widely shared assumption, and by drawing on the work of Wendell Berry and bell hooks, this article argues instead that the small-town ideal of community, when fully adhered to, is one that respects difference, rather than necessitating homogeneity. The flourishing of small-town life requires a recognition of difference akin to Iris Marion Young’s description of “city life and difference.” To make this argument, the article examines both American political thought and recent ethnographic work before developing Berry’s and hooks’s difference-welcoming ideal of “beloved community.”","PeriodicalId":41928,"journal":{"name":"American Political Thought","volume":"12 1","pages":"295 - 318"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42780531","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":":Lyman Trumbull and the Second Founding of the United States","authors":"I. Wurman","doi":"10.1086/725849","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/725849","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41928,"journal":{"name":"American Political Thought","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45558679","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":":The Death of Learning: How American Education Has Failed Our Students and What to Do about It","authors":"B. Taylor","doi":"10.1086/725854","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/725854","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41928,"journal":{"name":"American Political Thought","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60729956","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":":Cords of Affection: Constructing Constitutional Union in Early American History","authors":"Stuart A. Streichler","doi":"10.1086/725847","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/725847","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41928,"journal":{"name":"American Political Thought","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42516602","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Harry Jaffa and the Idea That All Men Are Created Equal","authors":"J. Dyer","doi":"10.1086/724489","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/724489","url":null,"abstract":"Harry Jaffa is remembered, above all, as a morally earnest man who was alarmed by the specters of relativism, historicism, and nihilism, and who battled to defend the classical idea of natural right (see, e.g., Uhlman et al. 2015; Watson 2015; Fornieri 2016). His defense of classical natural right was anchored in the proposition, held to be self-evident by the American founders, that “all men are created equal.” This, as his interpreters have noted, creates a puzzle (Zuckert 2009). “The defining principle of classical natural right,” C. Bradley Thompson and Yaron Brook write, “is inequality” (Thompson and Brook 2010, 115). Yet Jaffa championed equality and natural right, and he considered the American regime and Abraham Lincoln’s statesmanship in the service of that regime to be quintessential models for the modern recovery of classical natural right. Jaffa’s originality, as Robert Kraynak observed, was “to claim that theDeclaration of Independence, as understood by theAmerican founders and applied by Lincoln, was the best and noblest expression of natural right in themodernworld” (2015, 169). This is the central theme ofCrisis of the House Divided, Jaffa’s magnum opus, a theme he claimed to have developed with more intricacy and complexity in ANew Birth of Freedom, a sequel toCrisis separated in their publication by four decades (Jaffa 2009, viii). Starting with this puzzle—the connection between equality and classical natural right—I briefly retrace central aspects of Jaffa’s argument, in Crisis and New Birth, about the salutary role the idea of natural equality might play in the modern","PeriodicalId":41928,"journal":{"name":"American Political Thought","volume":"12 1","pages":"209 - 221"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45303855","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Jaffa’s Douglas","authors":"Jeremy D. Bailey","doi":"10.1086/724495","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/724495","url":null,"abstract":"In my view, Harry V. Jaffa’sCrisis of the House Divided is the most important work of scholarship published in the field of American political thought. The greatness of the book has to do, first, with its discovery of Abraham Lincoln as a serious political thinker and, second, with its positioning Lincoln as a founder superior to the founders of 1776, including even Thomas Jefferson. The latter project required a study of the principles of Jefferson and the other founders in their own right, and Jaffa’s book includes passages that add up to perhaps the best study in that regard too. Chapters 9 and 14 are the sections I have in mind. But the greatness of Jaffa’sCrisis also lies in two other less discussed qualities of the book. One is a mastery of historical context that is rare to find in what would otherwise be a book of political theory. Jaffa likely undertook the work to master the material because he saw this not as a work of political theory or political philosophy but rather as a study of statesmanship. In order to evaluate Lincoln’s statesmanship, Jaffa believed that his reader must be able to understand Lincoln’s choices as Lincoln saw them, which is to say that Jaffa had to make an otherwise obscure history available to his reader. But in order to make this history available, Jaffa had tomaster it. Perhaps historians of the periodwill disagree, but from my vantage point in 2022, the book is a humbling reminder ofwhat intellectual history can and should be. To put it differently, Jaffa’sCrisis demonstrates that scholars working in the history of political thought can do political theory and history at the same time.","PeriodicalId":41928,"journal":{"name":"American Political Thought","volume":"12 1","pages":"182 - 191"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45946423","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Harry, Lincoln, and Me","authors":"Steven R. B. Smith","doi":"10.1086/724493","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/724493","url":null,"abstract":"to say the least. My interests had been—and to some degree still are—in the great tradition of European political philosophy, to which I condescendingly regarded the American contribution as something of an afterthought. This attitude began to change when I took Nathan Tarcov’s class on the American political founding, where we read the classic exchanges between Federalists and Anti-Federalists, as well as key documents of the revolutionary period. It was in this class where I was also introduced to Bernard Bailyn’s The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (1967), Gordon Wood’s The Creation of the American Republic (1969), and Edmund Morgan’s The Birth of the Republic (1977), which for the first time opened my eyes to the philosophic sources of the American Revolution in radical English Whig political theory. At around the same time, I read John Pocock’s magisterial, albeit flawed, TheMachiavellian Moment (1975), which sought to put the American founding period in the long history of republican self-government going back to Machiavelli and before him to Polybius and Aristotle. Suddenly what had previously seemed to me something of an intellectual backwater had become a key moment in the revival of the great tradition of classical republicanism. Shortly thereafter, I was privileged to study with David Greenstone—of blessed memory—in whose class we read Louis Hartz’s The Liberal Tradition in America (1955). Here I learned that it was the philosophy of John Locke that formed the philosophic core of American history and that helped to explain why America—at least in the height of the Cold War—seemed uniquely immune to the radical ideologies of both the Left and the Right that had been the legacy of European politics. This to me was a powerful insight and one that","PeriodicalId":41928,"journal":{"name":"American Political Thought","volume":"12 1","pages":"244 - 255"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45280347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Promise of Equality in Lincoln and in Jaffa","authors":"John Burt","doi":"10.1086/724456","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/724456","url":null,"abstract":"Responding to an invitation to speak at an event honoring the birthday of Thomas Jefferson, Lincoln wrote on April 6, 1859, to Henry L. Pierce and others that “one would start with great confidence that he could convince any sane child that the simpler propositions of Euclid are true; but, nevertheless, he would fail, utterly, with one who should deny the definitions and axioms. The principles of Jefferson are the definitions and axioms of free society” (1989b, 18). Citing this passage inCrisis of the House Divided (Jaffa 1959), Harry Jaffa picked out the Euclidean cast of Lincoln’s arguments about equality, as well as the foundational depth of the moral and political commitments those arguments express. The key toCrisis of the House Divided is Jaffa’s attention to the implications of Jefferson’s claim that it is a self-evident truth that all men are created equal and to the central role that claim plays in Lincoln’s thinking. Concern with the meaning of equality outweighs every other aspect of Jaffa’s treatment of the Lincoln-Douglas debates, even the question of the future of slavery in the western territories, the ostensible subject of the 1858 debates. Jaffa’s treatment is also distinctive in that he himself wishes to treat the proposition that all men are created equal as a self-evident truth, and he treats Lincoln’s politics as an instance of the consequences of taking the promise of equality in that way. Nowadays most American politicians treat human equality as axiomatic, and most American lay people, whatever their politics, at least give equality lip service. But it is customary for scholars to treat the idea in a historicist way, which requires them","PeriodicalId":41928,"journal":{"name":"American Political Thought","volume":"12 1","pages":"192 - 208"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48370964","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}