Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies最新文献

{"title":"Taiwan Gaiko no Keisei: Nikkadanko to Chukaminkoku kara no Tenkan [The formation of Taiwan diplomacy: Japan-ROC diplomatic rupture and transformation from Republic of China]","authors":"S. Hirakawa","doi":"10.1080/24761028.2022.2071095","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/24761028.2022.2071095","url":null,"abstract":"Taiwan is emerging as a key place amid the ongoing US–China geopolitical and strategic confrontation. It is not easy to explain the existence of Taiwan by a simple IR theory. The physical reality that there exist two different governments across the Taiwan Strait has been theoretically denied according to the internationally accepted supreme principle of “One China.” This discourse’s normative power has guided the behaviors of the third countries for a long time, thus contributing to the regional stability. The contradiction between the physical reality and public notion has been successfully managed by the name of “status quo” without a decisive conclusion. Dr. Shimizu Urara, a leading scholar of Taiwan’s diplomatic history, provides fresh insight on the unique nature of status quo of Taiwan Straits by examining the primary sources mainly from the 1940s to the 1970s. She observes that this deeply situated status quo was a natural outcome of cumulative attitudes of all involved parties that had to “give up” other options. Her book focuses on the diplomatic efforts of the Republic of China (ROC) in the struggle for its version of One China and the eventual transformation of its essential nature in the changing international environments. She pays weighty attentions to the ROC's relationship with Japan as the title suggests. Except for introduction and conclusion, the book consists of nine main chapters. This review article summarizes each chapter’s main findings and discusses the total significance of the book.","PeriodicalId":37218,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies","volume":"11 1","pages":"182 - 185"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44275908","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Forest-steppe fires as moving disasters in the Mongolia-Russian borderland","authors":"Mari Kazato, Battur Soyollham","doi":"10.1080/24761028.2022.2113493","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/24761028.2022.2113493","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Forest-steppe fires (i.e., wildfires on grassland or forest) have serious impacts on ecosystems and economies in many countries. Many researchers, such as ecologists, meteorologists, geographers, and economists, have studied the causes and results of such wildfires from macro viewpoints. However, prior studies on the social impacts of disasters in Mongolia have mainly focused on zuds, which are harsh snow storms that occur regularly and affect the entire country. In contrast, forest-steppe fires have a limited range and are generally restricted to a certain part of the country, specifically the forest-steppe zone. This study describes the impact of fires and firefighting activities in Mongolia, focusing on the eastern borderland between Russia and China. The main case study was conducted in Eastern Mongolia bordering Russia; however, as forest-steppe fires are moving disasters, fires occasionally cross social boundaries and both domestic and international borders. Additionally, as fires move with the wind, some fires that impact Mongolia originate in Russia. We found a high contrast between damaged and non-damaged places in terms of the loss incurred as a result of the fire. Whether an area is affected depends not only on its distance from fires’ points of origin but also on fire path and speed, which are influenced by wind direction, geography, road network (which can operate as natural and human-made firebreak or fire blocker) and human efforts.","PeriodicalId":37218,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies","volume":"11 1","pages":"22 - 45"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44628352","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"China and Japan in CEEC: competition, cooperation and co-existence?","authors":"Qichao Wang, Jianwei Wang","doi":"10.1080/24761028.2022.2049028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/24761028.2022.2049028","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT China’s long-term cooperation with Central and Eastern European countries (CEEC) has received a great number of academic debates for being part of China’s Belt and Road Initiative and component of China-EU relations. It’s noted China is not the only external “game player” in the CEEC region. After the end of the Cold War, Japan also enhanced its relations in the region through diplomacy and the provision of developmental assistance, which led to a deepening cooperation in the region within the Japan-EU framework of the 2010s. This article aims to form a comparative study of the strategies that China and Japan deploy in the CEEC in the historical review up to the present day, and to evaluate the approaches from institutional perspective as well as the infrastructure aspect when the two Asian countries dealing with the CEEC. It argues that China-launched cooperative scheme with the CEEC also draws the attention from Japan and Japan’s relevant policies in CEEC cast significant implications on the development of China-CEEC cooperation. The comparison also rises some greater political landscape by not only involving the BRI and PQI, but also in QUAD and EU-relevant strategies. In discussing the above approaches and comparisons, the article concludes that China’s various domestic and foreign policies towards CEEC present a “charming attraction” to Japan even in the context of China-US rivalry. Both Japan and CEEC need to be more pragmatic and positive towards cooperative mechanisms with China and embrace more opportunities to mutually support both China’s and Japan’s regional presences and influence for the continued development of the CEEC region.","PeriodicalId":37218,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies","volume":"11 1","pages":"86 - 106"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43251456","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Introduction: environmental disaster in Mongolian modern history","authors":"Takahiro Ozaki, H. Takakura","doi":"10.1080/24761028.2021.2015837","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/24761028.2021.2015837","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper provides an insight into the framework employed to revisit Mongolian modern history. The term “environmental disaster” signifies the social process of entanglement in human-environmental interactions, emphasizing the failure of human actions. The Mongolian pastoral society is vulnerable to various kinds of disasters, among which the most problematic is dzud (cold and snow disaster), resulting in heavy damage to livestock. A severe disaster can be a cue to initiate social change, which emerges at the phase of resilience, as disasters may be recognized as a result of social instability. Although there were two severe dzud, the total number of livestock was relatively stable during the collectivization era (1959–1992). After the collapse of the socialist regime and the end of economic dependency on the USSR, the nation’s total number of livestock increased until 1999. However, it saw a sharp decrease during the nationwide dzud (in 1999–2002), which continued for three years. This unprecedented dzud also brought about a change in pastoralism. Nowadays, even the people in pastoral lands depend on imported commodities associated with globalization. The rural landscape in Outer Mongolia has changed into two types: suburban areas, including areas around cities and near major roads; and remote areas, including typical Mongolian rural areas that do not have up-to-date socio-economic services. This distinction makes it a complex situation, especially when the questions of disasters arise for the Mongolian people.","PeriodicalId":37218,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies","volume":"11 1","pages":"1 - 21"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49668684","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Dzud and the industrialization of pastoralism in socialist Mongolia","authors":"T. Tomita","doi":"10.1080/24761028.2021.2011554","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/24761028.2021.2011554","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study investigates the relationship between the socialist industrialization of pastoralism in Mongolia and the government’s perception of severe winter disasters (dzud), as well as the countermeasures taken against them. It aims to do so by focusing on pastoral production and dzud’s impact under pastoral cooperatives (negdel). During the collective period from the late 1950s to the early 1990s, the government regarded dzud as the greatest threat to the livestock sector and explored ways to prevent and mitigate the ensuing damage. In theory, public regulation and support for dzud prevention and mitigation could decrease the frequency and severity of a large-scale dzud that may affect the entire country. However, dzud occurred occasionally at the province (aimag) or district (sum) level and had a serious impact on pastoral production in rural areas. In addition to the positive aspects of local society and larger structures, such as rescue and recovery, there was also a negative side to the industrialization of pastoralism, such as decreased resilience to dzud damage. Along with the expansion of pastoral production for domestic and foreign urban consumers, the consistent demand for individuals and pastoral cooperatives to achieve strict production quotas, regardless of any conditions, has exacerbated the damage from dzud. That is, the slump in rural pastoral production during the collective period may have been caused by the interaction between the damage from dzud and the problems concerning the labor production system that was revised in response to the challenges of industrialization under pastoral cooperatives.","PeriodicalId":37218,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies","volume":"11 1","pages":"64 - 85"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46257643","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Domestic politics and policy making toward China in East Asian countries","authors":"Kazuko Kojima","doi":"10.1080/24761028.2021.1956040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/24761028.2021.1956040","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper examines what kind of political, institutional arrangements and the behavior of political actors under these arrangements become the stabilizing or destabilizing factors of a country’s diplomatic balancing between the United States and China. Specifically, I describe the domestic politics of Japan, South Korea, Indonesia, Vietnam, and Singapore in terms of their responses to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) promoted by the Xi Jinping administration. The analysis reveals the following points. First, in all of these countries, the growing presence of China has increased the number of stakeholders in policymaking toward China, and domestic politics regarding policymaking toward China have become more contentious. Second, as a result, each country faces the risk of internalizing its foreign policy toward China, especially on issues related to sovereignty and domestic corruption, thereby destabilizing previously balanced diplomacy between the United States and China. Third, in dealing with such risks, countries with winner-takes-all presidential systems (e.g., South Korea and Indonesia) face difficulties in controlling the internalization of diplomacy, while countries with institutional frameworks that can control destabilizing factors, such as public opinion and corruption (e.g., Japan, Vietnam, and Singapore) are characterized by the relative ease with which they can maintain balanced diplomacy.","PeriodicalId":37218,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies","volume":"10 1","pages":"230 - 245"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/24761028.2021.1956040","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41596023","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Introduction to the special issue on the comparative study of Asian countries’ bilateral relations with China","authors":"Akio Takahara","doi":"10.1080/24761028.2021.1976917","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/24761028.2021.1976917","url":null,"abstract":"How should the world deal with a rising China? This is perhaps the question of the century, which national leaders are facing and contemplating daily all around the world. For some, China has become the most important economic partner, whose loans, investments and markets prompt them to deepen friendly relations. Many countries have joined China’s Belt and Road Initiative with high expectations for the construction of infrastructure and other development projects. However, economic engagement can cause tension, since it usually entails the inflow of Chinese people as well as money into local societies and China has not shown any hesitation in employing economic coercion to achieve its political goals. The political opposition to the government tends to take advantage of the resultant anti-China sentiments among the local population. For other countries, China’s increasing military capabilities and especially its maritime expansion and assertive actions in disputed waters create a dilemma between rising security concerns and expanding business interests. The political, economic and security interests and concerns in each country’s bilateral relations with China are inevitably affected by the shift in the international environment, especially the state of US-China relations, as well as relations with neighbors and their own China policies. It seems likely that the competition between China and the United States will intensify in the foreseeable future, and few countries will escape its effects. We easily get the impression that many countries have gone through ups and downs in their relations with China. Probably this is truly so. However, is it the case that entire relationships go through cycles of improvement and deterioration, or only a part of them changes while other aspects remain stable or even develop in the opposite direction? For example, was it not a widely accepted perception at one point in time that “politics are cold but economics are hot in Japan-China relations”? In fact, it is not easy to define “bilateral relations” between countries, although they are discussed daily as if people have a common understanding of what this term means. Are we talking about diplomatic, government-to-government relations, or, are economic and people-to-people relations included? Government-to-government relations have different aspects, too. It is possible for economic and environmental or health ministers of two countries to conduct constructive dialogs while defense and foreign ministers are at each other’s throats. Bilateral relations with China are invariably complicated and multi-faceted.","PeriodicalId":37218,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies","volume":"10 1","pages":"157 - 161"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47363909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Kaku no Risuku to Chiiki Hunso: Indo Pakisutan Hunso no Kiki to Antei [Nuclear Risk and Regional Rivalry: Crises and Stability in the India–Pakistan Rivalry]","authors":"Toru Ito","doi":"10.1080/24761028.2021.2003933","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/24761028.2021.2003933","url":null,"abstract":"India and Pakistan have been at odds with each other since their founding in 1947. The two countries have fought three all-out wars and now face in a nuclear confrontation. Has the advent of nuclear weapons changed the nature of the India-Pakistan (hereinafter referred to as Indo-Pak) conflict? Will the Indo-Pak conflict develop into nuclear war? This book boldly challenges the conventional wisdom of these questions and argues that both the significance and danger of nuclear weapons in the Indo-Pak context should not be overestimated The author starts with his concern over the tendency to believe that regional conflicts between emerging nuclear powers are more unstable and dangerous than they really are, especially in contrast to the conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union, where nuclear weapons brought about a “long peace.” The author points out that the Indo-Pak conflict is becoming a symbolic case that has formed this type of negative image, which is ultimately projected onto other cases, such as that of North Korea. Previous studies on the Indo-Pak conflict after the possession of nuclear weapons have generally pointed out two phenomena. The first is the “stability-instability paradox” in which the suppression of large-scale wars by mutual nuclear deterrence promotes low-intensity conflicts. The second is the “competition for escalation dominance,” in which both sides in a nuclear deterrence regime compete for the possibility of initiating a limited war in terms of nuclear and conventional forces in order to improve deterrence and coerce the other side. In many cases in the Indo-Pak relations, the race takes place as a continuous phenomenon. At first, Pakistan, a revisionist state that no longer fears nuclear retaliation from India, intensified insurgency and terrorism, i.e., proxy wars, in the Indian side of Kashmir (Jammu and Kashmir – J&K) When India began to pursue the option of starting limited conventional war as to not induce nuclear retaliation from Pakistan, Islamabad then sought an option of limited nuclear war through the use of tactical nuclear weapons to deter Delhi. Accordingly, this sequence would lead to an exchange of nuclear attacks and increase the risk of all-out nuclear war. However, the author questions whether the conventional wisdom accurately captures the reality of Indo-Pak relations. In order to examine the validity of the “stability-instability paradox,” the author investigates whether Pakistan has aimed at changing the status quo due to its acquisition of nuclear weapons based on two case studies – insurgency and terrorism in Kashmir on the Indian side, and the Kargil conflict in 1999. The number of incidents and casualties of violence in the J&K region, which has been described as Pakistan’s “proxy war,” has increased sharply since 1989–90, which coincides with the time when Pakistan effectively became a nuclear power. However, there is no evidence to prove causality between the","PeriodicalId":37218,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies","volume":"10 1","pages":"296 - 299"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47263716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The continuous but rocky developments of Sino-South Korean relations: examined by the four factor model","authors":"J. Hwang","doi":"10.1080/24761028.2021.1965283","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/24761028.2021.1965283","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since the establishment of “friendly and cooperative relations’ in 1992, relations between South Korea and China have been continuously elevated almost every 5 years. The two countries have achieved great advancements in expanding civil exchanges, bringing economic relations closer, finding common ground in foreign policy and security and elevation of political relations. Despite the honeymoon period that the two countries experienced after they established diplomatic relations, however, conflict is now arising due to differences in opinion and interests in various fields such politics, economy, society, culture, diplomacy, and security. This paper will examine Sino-South Korean relations using the four factor model, which is based on four approaches, starting with economic relations, followed by perception and emotions, diplomacy and security and lastly, these factors” influence on domestic politics. Following this analysis, this paper will argue that despite their continuous but rocky developments, Sino-South Korean relations will sustainably maintain their development. Considering the synergy effect of bilateral relations, two countries are standing on the opportunity to build a New Type of Sino-South Korean relations which would allow for resolution of conflicts and misunderstandings through dialogue and communication.","PeriodicalId":37218,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies","volume":"10 1","pages":"218 - 229"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47569329","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Asian views of China in the age of China’s rise: interpreting the results of pew survey and Asian student survey in chronological and comparative perspectives, 2002-2019","authors":"Shigeto Sonoda","doi":"10.1080/24761028.2021.1943116","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/24761028.2021.1943116","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In order to see how Asian countries in this special volume (Japan, South Korea, Vietnam, Singapore, and Indonesia) are looking at China in chronological and comparative perspectives, using Global Attitudes Survey data conducted by Pew Research Center would be the best way because they cover the data from 2002 to 2019 as of now. We can get a lot of insights on different views of the rise of China in Asia through the analysis of Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Survey data, but there are some inconveniences. Some data in Asian countries are lacking, and the timing of survey is different from one country to another, which makes it difficult to compare the results across the countries. In order to overcome such limitations, this paper uses the second wave and third wave data of Asian Student Survey. Main findings of the analysis are as follows. As of 2018, Singapore and Indonesia were comparatively positively viewing the influence of China, while Vietnam was viewing it negatively, and Japan and South Korea were in-between. The changes in these five years, however, were different from country to country. Changing views of Chinese toward Asian countries were basically symmetrical to those of Asian countries toward China. In these surveyed countries, “peaceful rise frame” was the most powerful determinant of the views of China, which explains why views of China were worsening in these countries. But the concrete determinants of the views were different from one country to another.","PeriodicalId":37218,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies","volume":"10 1","pages":"262 - 279"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/24761028.2021.1943116","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48616621","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}