{"title":"Towards a new comparison of the pre-Proto-Tocharian and pre-Proto-Samoyed vowel systems","authors":"Abel Radu Warries","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10022","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 During their migration from the Eastern European steppes to the Tarim Basin, the ancestors of the Tocharians must have come into contact with speakers of different languages, which may have influenced the early Tocharian language. Early Uralic has been identified as possibly having been the source of such influence, especially in the domain of phonology and nominal morphology. In a 2019 article, Michaël Peyrot focused specifically on pre-Proto-Samoyed influence on Tocharian, proposing among other things a comparison of the vowel systems. I will discuss this comparison and give an alternative interpretation. Three difficulties remained with Peyrot’s comparison regarding details of 1) the relative chronology of Tocharian sound changes, 2) the mechanism of change, and 3) the relative chronology of sound changes in Samoyed. After addressing these problems in more detail, I conclude that a different vowel comparison is possible, so that the hypothesis that pre-Proto-Tocharians were in contact with pre-Proto-Samoyed substrate is still plausible.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42227158","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Message from the editors","authors":"J. Eska, Ronald I. Kim","doi":"10.1163/22125892-01001001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-01001001","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41976961","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Labiovelar loss and the rounding of syllabic liquids in Indo-Iranian","authors":"J. Clayton","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10021","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper analyzes and supports the claim that Vedic Sanskrit preserves traces of the contrast between the Indo-European labiovelars and plain velars—a striking archaism in the Indo-Iranian family, which otherwise collapsed the two velar series. These labiovelar vestiges emerge because of the pervasive labialization of syllabic and consonantal rhotics at all attested stages of the Indo-Iranian family. Two rhotic labialization environments are examined in Indo-Aryan and Iranian: after labial(ized) consonants or before syllables containing u or w. Furthermore, this paper explains the unexpected development of bimoraic Proto-Indo-European *ḶμHμ.C to trimoraic Vedic Ūμμrμ.C by examining the phonetic characteristics of the labializable Indo-Iranian rhotics.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":"64 1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64571688","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A new prosodic reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European *-mon-stems","authors":"Anthony D. Yates","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10015","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 It is widely thought that (i) Proto-Indo-European had *-mon-stem nominals formed by internal derivation from neuter *-men-stems and that (ii) these *-mon-stems were characterized by “amphikinetic” inflection, thus stressed full-grade of the root in their strong case forms (*R(é)-mon-). This paper challenges the latter claim, arguing that these forms instead had stem-final stress (*R(e)-món-). I adduce prosodic evidence in support of this alternative reconstruction from Lithuanian, Greek, Hittite, and above all Vedic Sanskrit, where the attested reflexes of these *-mon-stems consistently show stem-final stress. I then propose a new account of their root full-grade, which on this new reconstruction is phonologically irregular, since it surfaces in a pretonic syllable. I contend that this full-grade was synchronically transferred from their neuter *-men-stem bases. In this respect, internally derived *-mon-stems are shown to pattern morphophonologically with other reconstructible non-primary derivatives, which similarly acquire their root vocalism from their derivational bases.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41421283","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"More on ablaut patterns in the ḫi-conjugation","authors":"H. C. Melchert","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10019","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Evidence from Palaic shows that contrary to some claims Hittite nasal presents such as šunna- and tarna- do not reflect original PIE\u0000 ḫi- inflection. This paper presents a new account of how they come to inflect as ḫi- verbs in attested Hittite. It also shows that the so-called class of “ḫi- verbs in -i-” reflects in part presents with a suffix *-ói/-i- (Kloekhorst 2006 & 2008), but in part modified acrostatic presents with *o/zero root ablaut. The lexicalized participle LÚ\u0000 pitteant- ‘fugitive’ preserves a trace of the original acrostatic paradigm with *o/e root ablaut. Reasons are also given for why this class appears in Nuclear Indo-European as *ye/o- presents with either *e- or zero-grade of the root.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46224464","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Coordination strategies in Messapic","authors":"Reuben J. Pitts","doi":"10.1163/22125892-0000010020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-0000010020","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Messapic, like many ancient Indo-European languages, shows evidence for the existence of more than one coordinating conjunction. Alongside an inherited Indo-European clitic =ti, comparable to Lat. =que or Gk. =τε, Messapic has also grammaticalised an additional coordinator anda from a lexical source. Although the two conjunctions are found in some strikingly similar contexts, this paper argues that they also show noteworthy functional differences, which can plausibly be contextualised against a broader cross-linguistic understanding of how novel coordinators grammaticalise. In this way, the typological study of coordination has the potential to contribute further insights into this fascinating—and as yet insufficiently understood—epigraphic language.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49346148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Double nasal presents","authors":"Jay H. Jasanoff","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10016","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Double nasal presents—presents containing both a nasal infix and a nasal suffix—are found in Greek (type λιμπάνω ‘leave’), Celtic (e.g., OIr. ro·finnadar (< *wind-n-) ‘get to know’), and Germanic (Go. du-ginnan (← *-gunnan < *gund-n-) ‘begin’). It is argued here that all such formations have a common origin. The starting point was the nasal-infix present of the root *ghed- ‘grasp’, which originally had the form *gh(n̥)néd-/*ghn̥d-´. With the reinterpretation of the root as *ghend-, the strong stem of the nasal-infix present was remade to *ghn̥d-né/ó-, and in the post-IE period the pattern was extended to other nasal-infix presents (*lin(é)kw- → *linkw-né/ó-, *u̯in(é)d- → *u̯ind-né/ó-, etc.). A corollary of the analysis is that the -a- of the Greek and Armenian presents in *-ane/o- (< *-n̥ne/o-) is epenthetic, and that the absence of a nasal in the root syllable of Arm. lkʿanem, gtanem, etc. is secondary.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44274465","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Allomorphy in the Hittite common gender accusative plural","authors":"Oscar Billing","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10018","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 It has recently become generally accepted that Hittite possessed two non-low back vowel phonemes denoted by means of plene spelling with ⟨u⟩ and ⟨ú⟩, representing /o/ and /u/, respectively. Upon reviewing all available evidence of plene spelling in the Hittite common gender accusative plural ending it is observed that the choice of vowel sign alternates. This forces us to reckon with at least two allomorphs of the ACC.PL.C. ending, -/us/ and -/os/, which in turn demand explanations. The choice of ending appears to be largely contingent on the stem type of the nominal to which it is attached, forming a complementary distribution. For example, ablauting u-stems take -/os/ and i-stems take -/us/. Building on this observation, a diachronic scenario is formulated to account for all observable ending allomorphy. It is argued that the endings of the non-ablauting i-stems and the barytone a-stems were analogically introduced. In the i-stems, the inherited ending -/us/ of the ablauting i-stems was generalised to all i-stems, whereas the source of the ending in the a-stems remains unknown. The sound laws resulting from this analysis indicate that the vocalic outcomes of final *-(V)m# are symmetrical to those of *-(V)ms#, leading to an improved economy in Hittite historical phonology.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47412742","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"‘Day’ and ‘night’ in Latin","authors":"Kanehiro Nishimura","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10017","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Although Latin is rich in vocabulary items for time, the history of their formation is not always clear. The adjectives and adverbs related to ‘day’ and ‘night’—diurnus ‘of the day’ / dius ‘by day’ and nocturnus ‘of the night’ / nox ‘by night’—are such cases and have not yet received fully satisfactory morphological explanations, particularly as to the -r- of the adjectives and the word-final sibilant of the adverbs, from either a Latin or an Indo-European perspective. Building upon traditional views, this paper offers a fresh approach to these forms. The results will then be applied to another temporal adjective, mēnstruus ‘of a month’, to clarify its phonological and morphological peculiarities.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42501118","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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