A Post-Neoliberal Era in Latin America?最新文献

{"title":"From Uribe’s “Democratic Security” to Santo’s Peace Accords with the FARC: Hate, Fear, Hope and other Emotions in Contemporary Colombian Politics","authors":"Fabio López de la Roche","doi":"10.1332/policypress/9781529200997.003.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529200997.003.0004","url":null,"abstract":"This article first presents explanatory factors concerning Colombian divergence from the recent tendency in several Latin American countries towards 21st century models of political socialism or in conjunction with post neoliberal development. A second part explores the complex legacy of political culture bequeathed by the governments of Álvaro Uribe Velez (2002-2006 and 2006-2010) which involved an important military effort to combat the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC by its Spanish acronym) but was not able to defeat them, although their debilitation undoubtedly constituted one of the factors that led to the negotiations in Havana. Hatred and fear of the FARC promoted by President Uribe’s discourse supported by the mainstream media and important journalistic sectors are then explored as factors in conjunction with societal ideological homogenization around the policy of \"Democratic Security\". A third part deals with redefinitions in the political culture and hegemonic communicative regime promoted by President Juan Manuel Santos (2010-2014 and 2014-2017), which favored promoting successful conclusion of the peace process with the FARC and initiation of a new, complex and still uncertain phase of national reconciliation among Colombians, notwithstanding obstinate Uribistic loathing of both the FARC and President Santos and President Uribe’s systematic and ideological delegitimization of the peace process. This section also deals with issues concerning the October 2, 2016 ratificatory plebiscite of the Havana Accords, the triumph of the rejectionists, the renegotiation of the Accords with representatives of the rejectionists by the government’s negotiating team, the mobilization of the citizenry in defense of the Accords, and, the ratification of the revised accord by the Congress at the Colon Theater. Finally, the \"Conclusions\" outline some of the challenges and possible alternatives for the country’s political development during the post-Accord era.","PeriodicalId":366809,"journal":{"name":"A Post-Neoliberal Era in Latin America?","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133887859","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Argentina: The Philosophical Resistance to the Conquest of the Soul1","authors":"Enrique Del Percio","doi":"10.1332/policypress/9781529200997.003.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529200997.003.0008","url":null,"abstract":"In 1976, a terrible dictatorship was established in Argentina, even before Foucault claimed with crystal clarity that the fundamental difference between classical liberalism and neoliberalism was the substitution of the homo economicus −related to the exchange− by the homo economicus as entrepreneur of himself (lecture delivered on 14 March 1979); and also before Margaret Thatcher (in Ronald Butt’s interview, Sunday Times, 3 May 1981) confirmed Foucault´s analysis stating that: “Economics are the method; the object is to change the heart and soul”. In the same year, Milton Friedman received the Nobel Prize in Economics. The explicit purpose of the Military Junta was to promote a profound cultural transformation, based on the premise that the causes of the alleged “underdevelopment” were not so much economical but cultural and political. Nevertheless, as García Delgado and Molina (2006) pointed out, the problem is not related to a sort of inevitable structural poverty, due to the culture of our people. It is a matter of a decline in society, produced by the policy orientation of the dictatorship. Until then, the income distribution was similar to that of the countries from the Southern Europe with an almost frictional unemployment. Until the coup d’état, Argentina had a poverty rate of 8% and the best distributive structure of income in Latin America. However, 1976 was a turning point; the surge of the neoliberal model promoted a process of over-indebtedness, wealth concentration, unrestricted opening of markets with an unfavourable exchange rate for national industry, labour flexibilization, with the insertion in a competitive globalization of “savage capitalism” that “strengthened the asymmetries and transfers of resources from the periphery to the centre. This concept differs from thinking about inequality as a problem related to culture, corruption and poor institutional quality” (García Delgado, 2006).Despite the overwhelming adverse evidence, it is still a commonplace to blame all the ills of our society on that culture, the maximum expression of which would be Peronism. In fact, the great majority of disappeared people during the dictatorship were Peronist political, trade union and social leaders. The motto of the Ministry of Economics during the dictatorship was “towards a change of mentality”. The current Argentine situation, in terms of advances of neoliberalism as well as resistances to it, cannot be understood without referring to the dictatorship. In Poratti words, “the coup d’état of 1976 does not only put an end to a government, a political system and project, but also to a 'world' in which Argentinians were living at least from the independence project of 1810. In those days, there was not an abrupt differentiation between generations and, in many aspects, people could identify themselves, diachronically, with a historical line beyond the particular generational characteristics” (Various Authors, 2009).These aspects go along with ","PeriodicalId":366809,"journal":{"name":"A Post-Neoliberal Era in Latin America?","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117082700","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}