Socialist Register最新文献_第3页

Marx and Engels on the Revolutionary Party 马克思和恩格斯论革命党

Socialist Register Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctt1bpmbn2.15

August H. Nimtz

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引用次数: 0

La verdad sobre la democracia capitalista 资本主义民主的真相

Socialist Register Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv1gm02jk.10

A. Boron

引用次数: 2

Media power and class power: overplaying ideology 媒体权力与阶级权力:过分夸大意识形态

Socialist Register Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/9789004272934_005

David Miller

引用次数: 23

Between Obesity and Hunger: The Capitalist Food Industry 在肥胖和饥饿之间:资本主义食品工业

Socialist Register Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.4324/9780203079751-34

R. Albritton

{"title":"Between Obesity and Hunger: The Capitalist Food Industry","authors":"R. Albritton","doi":"10.4324/9780203079751-34","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203079751-34","url":null,"abstract":"We live in a world capable, in principle, of providing a diverse and healthy diet for all, and yet one quarter of its people suffer from frequent hunger and ill health generated by a diet that is poor in quantity or quality or both. Another quarter of the world’s population eats too much food, food that is often heavy with calories and low on nutrients (colloquially called ‘junk food’). This quarter of the world’s population risks diabetes and all of the other chronic illnesses generated by obesity. Study after study in recent years has come to the conclusion that the single most important factor in human health is diet, and diet is something we can shape. Cheap food is important to capitalism because it allows wages to be lower (and thus profits to be higher) and yet leave workers with more disposable income available to buy other commodities. In this short essay most of my examples come from the US, because, as the most hegemonic capitalist power in the world, it has done the most to shape the global food system. But I don’t want to give the impression that there is one tightly integrated capitalist world food system. Even in the US, capitalism has not entirely subsumed the whole food system, and while there are few places in the world untouched by capitalism, its degree of hegemony may vary a great deal. Still, up to the present, capitalism has been the single strongest force shaping the global food system, and much of that shaping power has flowed outward from the US.","PeriodicalId":364251,"journal":{"name":"Socialist Register","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115887215","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 14

On Revolutionary Optimism of the Intellect 论知识分子的革命乐观主义

Socialist Register Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctt1bpmbn2.21

L. Panitch

{"title":"On Revolutionary Optimism of the Intellect","authors":"L. Panitch","doi":"10.2307/j.ctt1bpmbn2.21","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt1bpmbn2.21","url":null,"abstract":"It is impossible to read Gramsci’s Prison Notebooks without appreciating how far he actually transcended the dichotomy between pessimism of the intellect and optimism of the will. He did so precisely by applying his stunningly creative intelligence to what really would need to be involved in the creation of a new type of political party, which in homage to another great Italian political theorist who could also be described as a realist with imagination, he called the ‘modern prince’. In trying to articulate the form of a party capable of navigating a revolutionary transformation in conditions where the state was deeply rooted in society, Gramsci was doing the very opposite of entrusting it to revolutionary will to usher in the spontaneous transformative ‘event’ that is rather in fashion among some radical intellectuals today. What many intellectuals today may find troubling about optimism of the intellect is the credit they fear it may lend to all that has emanated from the ‘age of reason’, with its universalist claims to truth and its evolutionist proclamations of progress. The abdication of so many left intellectuals from the vocation of telling the truth on these grounds was no doubt partly the result of political and intellectual shortcomings on the traditional left. But they have sometimes only generalized what was wrong with the narrow class struggle perspective that crudely labelled truth either bourgeois or proletarian, applying the same type of dichotomy to race and gender, and indeed to any and all asymmetric relations of power. But optimism of the intellect does not involve embracing any teleological laws of historical progress. Optimism of the intellect in fact involves being sensitive to contingency in human history, with contradictions and crises not the only variable factors in determining the scope and possibilities of such contingency, but also the capacities of collective human agency as especially crucial variable factors in developing transformative institutional forms. To get to where Marx or Gramsci wanted us to get involves probing the limits of economic and political institutions. And to do this it is also important to pay close attention to such great pessimists of the intelligence as Max Weber on state bureaucracy and Roberto Michels on party oligarchy. This is precisely because we need to identify the actual institutional barriers that lie in the way of replacing the capitalist rationality of market competition with the socialist rationality of collective planning, so we can at least minimize those barriers through articulating the institutional forms that can develop popular capacities for genuinely democratic participation as well as complex representation and administration. The political purpose for this kind of institutionalism is exactly the opposite of validating path dependency, insisting rather on institutional contingency to the end of discovering how to transform institutions in socialist ways.","PeriodicalId":364251,"journal":{"name":"Socialist Register","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133910355","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

On-Screen Barbarism: Violence in U.S. Visual Culture 银幕上的野蛮:美国视觉文化中的暴力

Socialist Register Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1057/9781137381552_8

Philip Green

引用次数: 0

Revolution as ‘National Liberation’ and the Origins of Neoliberal Antiracism 革命作为“民族解放”和新自由主义反种族主义的起源

Socialist Register Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctt1bpmbn2.18

Adolph Reed

{"title":"Revolution as ‘National Liberation’ and the Origins of Neoliberal Antiracism","authors":"Adolph Reed","doi":"10.2307/j.ctt1bpmbn2.18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt1bpmbn2.18","url":null,"abstract":"This essay is motivated by the centennial of 1917 providing occasion for reflection on the great revolutionary projects of the last century and rumination on the status of the notion of revolution now. My concern is fundamentally ‘presentist’ and best characterized as demystification or ideology-critique. Specifically, my interest is in reflecting on the emergence of antiracism as a discrete political stance – that is, not simply a principled opposition to discrimination and bigotry – and the impact that it, along with other strains of what is commonly called identity politics, has had on contemporary left political thought and practice, including dominant ways of conceptualizing social transformation and revolution. I believe, for reasons that I trust this examination will make clear, taking critical stock of antiracist politics is a crucial task for the left, especially in the United States, where antiracism arguably emerged as a claim to a discrete politics, but elsewhere as well. Antiracist politics, and its corollary commitment to diversity, has become a significant American cultural export, as Bourdieu and Wacquant noted nearly two decades ago. As the intellectual left moved both into the academy and away from an intellectual and epistemic commitment to class struggle, it by and large gave up the goal of radical social transformation and the objective of pursuing political power for the purpose of realizing that goal became less distinct from liberalism. Such a left, as Russell Jacoby notes, ‘ineluctably retreats to smaller ideas, seeking to expand the options within the existing society’. Militant embrace of the discourses of identity politics, most notably antiracism, has helped to sustain an appearance that the left is not in retreat but remains on the cutting edge of transformational politics. That is because of the prominence of a view that construes ‘oppressions’ rooted in race and gender, etc., as both foundational to American society – or the West – and so deeply embedded that most whites/men are in denial about their power. From that perspective the civil rights movement’s legislative victories in the 1960s were superficial and could not address the deep-structural sources of racism and sexism, which are effectively ontological and therefore beyond the reach of normal political or social intervention. Thus the struggle against these sources of inequality is always insurgent because their power never diminishes.","PeriodicalId":364251,"journal":{"name":"Socialist Register","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132642540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 2

Class, Party and the Challenge of State Transformation 阶级、党与国家转型的挑战

Socialist Register Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv5cg88c.11

L. Panitch, S. Gindin

{"title":"Class, Party and the Challenge of State Transformation","authors":"L. Panitch, S. Gindin","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv5cg88c.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv5cg88c.11","url":null,"abstract":"The delegitimation of neoliberalism has restored some credibility to the radical socialist case for transcending capitalism as necessary to realize the collective, democratic, egalitarian and ecological aspirations of humanity. It spawned a growing sense that capitalism could no longer continue to be bracketed when protesting the multiple oppressions and ecological threats of our time. And as austerity took top billing over free trade, the spirit of antineoliberal protest also shifted. Whereas capitalist globalization had defined the primary focus of oppositional forces in the first decade of the new millennium, the second decade opened with Occupy and the Indignados dramatically highlighting capitalism’s gross class inequalities. Yet with this, the insurrectionary flavour of protest without revolutionary effect quickly revealed the limits of forever standing outside the state. A marked turn on the left from protest to politics has come to define the new conjuncture, as opposition to capitalist globalization shifted from the streets to the state theatres of neoliberal practice. This is in good part what the election of Syriza in Greece and the sudden emergence of Podemos in Spain signified. Corbyn’s election as leader of the British Labour Party attracted hundreds of thousands of new members with the promise to sustain activism rather than undermine it. This transition from protest to politics has been remarkably class oriented in terms of addressing inequality in income and wealth distribution, as well as in economic and political power relations. All this compels a fundamental rethink of the relationship between class, party and state transformation. If Bolshevik revolutionary discourse seems archaic a hundred years after 1917, it is not just because the legacy of its historic demonstration that revolution was possible has faded. It is also because Gramsci’s reframing, so soon after 1917, of the key issues of revolutionary strategy – especially regarding the impossibility of an insurrectionary path to power in states deeply embedded in capitalist societies – rings ever more true. What this means for socialists, however, as we face up to a long war of position in the twenty-first century, is not only the recognition of the limitations of twentieth-century Leninism. It above all requires discovering how to avoid the social democratization even of those committed to transcending capitalism. This is the central challenge for socialists today.","PeriodicalId":364251,"journal":{"name":"Socialist Register","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131177297","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 6

The Egyptian workers' movement before and after the 2011 popular uprising 2011年民众起义前后的埃及工人运动

Socialist Register Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.15496/PUBLIKATION-3933

Marie Duboc

{"title":"The Egyptian workers' movement before and after the 2011 popular uprising","authors":"Marie Duboc","doi":"10.15496/PUBLIKATION-3933","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15496/PUBLIKATION-3933","url":null,"abstract":"In January and February 2014, about 100,000 workers participated in strikes and other collective actions. The pace of protest escalated further in March when thousands of public sector doctors, dentists and pharmacists declared a full strike, as did thousands of Alexandria Public Transport workers. During the year’s first quarter there were a total of 240 labour actions. Projected to an annual basis, this is a significant decline from the high point of 2011-12, but still far more than any year during the decade before the demise of former President Hosni Mubarak in 2011. Perhaps unsurprisingly in the era of global neoliberal hegemony, the significance of the workers’ movement has been underestimated in both Western and Egyptian explanations for Mubarak’s overthrow. Egyptian workers had participated significantly in the burgeoning culture of protest that delegitimized the Mubarak regime during the decade before his ouster on 11 February 2011. \u0000 \u0000The recent upsurge followed a relatively quiescent six-month period after the ouster of President Muhammad Morsi of the Muslim Brothers-sponsored Freedom and Justice Party. Morsi was removed by a combination of massive popular demonstrations on 30 June 2013 – even larger than those that had led to the demise of Mubarak two and a half years earlier – followed by a military coup on July 3 after serving just one year in office as Egypt’s first democratically elected president. \u0000 \u0000The essay will explore the roots of the 2011 popular uprising and chart the cycle of contention over economic demands that began in the late 1990s. Egyptian workers have sharply escalated the pace of their strikes and collective actions, a movement that has been in large measure a response, albeit for the most part not articulated in these terms, to the neoliberal transformation of the Egyptian economy.","PeriodicalId":364251,"journal":{"name":"Socialist Register","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122590850","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 7

The Radicalisation of Science 科学的激进化

Socialist Register Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1007/978-1-349-86145-3_1

H. Rose, S. Rose

引用次数: 46