Jurnal Hubungan Internasional最新文献

{"title":"Tantangan Strategis Indonesia ditengah Rivalitas Tiongkok versus AUKUS: Sebuah Analisis Dilema Tahanan","authors":"Yoggi Walesasi, Yoga Suharman, A. Mappiare","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v15i2.35898","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i2.35898","url":null,"abstract":"Aliansi pertahanan trilateral yang melibatkan Australia, Inggris dan Amerika Serikat (AS) (AUKUS) dalam pengadaan kapal selam bertenaga nuklir memicu reaksi dari negara-negara di sekitar kawasan, termasuk Indonesia sebagai negara paling strategis di Indo-Pasifik. Sebagai salah satu kekuatan poros di Indo-Pasifik, Indonesia sendiri berada di posisi dilema diantara dua poros kekuatan besar, AUKUS dan Tiongkok yang saling berkontestasi pengaruh. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji bagaimana tantangan kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia atas rivalitas geopolitik yang menempatkan Tiongkok berhadapan dengan AUKUS. Guna menjawab pertanyaan itu, tulisan ini meminjam pendekatan dilema tahanan sebagai alat analisis untuk mengurai persoalan yang dihadapi oleh Indonesia dalam menentukan preferensi politik luar negerinya atas pembentukan aliansi pertahanan trilateral AUKUS. Tulisan ilmiah ini disajikan dengan menggunakan metode analisis deskriptif yang diolah dari studi kepustakaan. Hasilnya menunjukkan bahwa Indonesia ada di posisi yang dilematis dalam mempertahankan kepentingan nasionalnya dan terperangkap ke dalam potensi pembelotan dan tekanan dari pihak-pihak yang sedang bersaing.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43110897","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The ‘Expected Leadership’ in Indonesia’s Initiative to Form ASEAN Peacekeeping Centres Network","authors":"Farhan Julianto","doi":"10.18196/jhi.v11i2.14952","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jhi.v11i2.14952","url":null,"abstract":"Various International Relations works of literature positioned Indonesia as one of the leading countries in Southeast Asia, both formally and informally. Indonesia is considered a driving force behind various regional cooperations that lead to regional progress. This paper also sees that Indonesia is capable of initiating and pushing for cooperation in the peacekeeping area. Peacekeeping cooperation is sensitive in Southeast Asia, considering that one of the norms that mutually agreed upon since the formation of ASEAN is the norm of non-interference. The non-interference norms hinder regional peacekeeping cooperation due to its adoption of interventionist norms. Despite these organizational obstacles, Indonesia has successfully initiated peacekeeping cooperation that in the form of the ASEAN Peacekeeping Centres Network (APCN). The APCN aims to increase the contribution of peacekeeping forces from the ASEAN Member States in the UN Peacekeeping Missions. By looking at the case, this paper aims to explain why Indonesia was successful in initiating the APCN when the regional norm of non-interference is still adopted. This explanation will refer to the role theory, first theorized in International Relations by Kaleevi Jakko Holsti. Although the initiation of the APCN was also driven by foreign policy aspirations from the policymakers, another contributing factor was the regional expectations for Indonesia to lead the regional peacekeeping cooperation. This expectation is in line with Holsti’s concept of role prescription. Further understanding of the expected leadership could be an alternative perspective in seeing the success or failure cases of regional cooperation – especially in Southeast Asia – in the future.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48636860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Measuring Islamic Modernity: Between Positive Alarms or Setbacks for Democracy in Indonesia","authors":"I. Prayogo, Alin Fithor, Rosazman Hussin","doi":"10.18196/jhi.v11i2.13932","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jhi.v11i2.13932","url":null,"abstract":"Researchers have intensively studied Islamic modernity since the movement has become a reasonably effective tool in mobilizing the masses and seeking political support. Almost 90 percent of Indonesian people are Muslim. The concept of Indonesia in making policies on state issues has resulted in a deadlocked relationship between its people and the concept of a state that tends toward the Dutch colonial nation. Islam is a characteristic of Indonesian society; however, the state does not use the concept in Islam. Hence, the concept of the state not being in line with society has resulted in today’s Indonesian people living full of poverty, even though they live in a country with abundant earth, air, and water wealth, coupled with captivating and unique seas for the world to see. However, how does the modern measure of Islam in Indonesia affect democracy? Using qualitative descriptive research methods with a literature study approach, this study discovered that modern Islam in Indonesia has various motives when viewed from multiple aspects used to describe problems occurring in the past, currently, or projecting issues that will arise in the future as suggestions and constructive criticism. On the one hand, it is a form of community solidarity in mobilizing diverse aspirations for humanitarian aid. Nevertheless, on the other hand, it is ridden by the oligarchs of the political elite to gain votes. Moreover, on the outside, it stretches the actions of Islamic radicalism.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48898421","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Paradox of Indonesia Cyberspace Policy and Cooperation: Neoclassical Realism Perspective","authors":"Muhammad Abdurrohim, Indah Kumalasari, F. Rosy","doi":"10.18196/jhi.v11i2.14361","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jhi.v11i2.14361","url":null,"abstract":"Cyberspace is a new threat to state security, especially in Indonesia. The increase of internet users in Indonesia is followed by several policies Jakarta takes to adapt to the fast pace of cyberspace challenges. To manage cyberspace in Indonesia, the government has developed ITE Law to regulate Indonesia’s cyberspace and prevent threats coming from within. Moreover, realizing cyberspace offers many opportunities. The government also cooperates with other actors like ASEAN to formulate ASEAN Digital Masterplan to enhance cyberspace contribution toward economic recovery after the COVID-19 pandemic. However, there is a contradiction between ITE Law, especially the Regulation of the Minister of Communication and Informatics No. 5 of 2020, and the cyberspace cooperation that the government tries to impose. These phenomena raise the question of why the Indonesian government takes contradiction policy on cyberspace between domestic and international levels. This research examined the reason behind the paradoxical policy of the Indonesian government’s ITE Law and the ASEAN Digital Masterplan regarding cyberspace policy, especially from 2016 to 2021. A qualitative method was employed to achieve the objective, with disciplined configurative reports and government documents regarding its cyber policy as the data. The data were analyzed using the theory of neoclassical realism to identify the Indonesian government’s cyberspace policy behavior on domestic and international levels. This paradoxical situation between the domestic and international levels of the Indonesian government’s cyberspace policy was created by how the Indonesian government identified threats. The Indonesian government still faced instability at the domestic level to identify the category of threats toward the regime due to the inheritance of the authoritarian regime government model it experienced before. The opposite response at the international level occurred because the socialization and institutionalization in the region have created strategic culture. Accordingly, the strategic culture of cyberspace has restricted the Indonesian government from applying the same idea at the domestic level. The Indonesian government should adapt the popular strategic culture at the international level to ensure prestige.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43911695","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Articulation of Islam: President Joko Widodo’s Foreign Policy 2014-2019","authors":"Achmad Ubaedillah, Muhammad Ali, Bimo Arfino","doi":"10.18196/jhi.v11i2.13138","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jhi.v11i2.13138","url":null,"abstract":"The paper discusses how President Joko Widodo articulated Islamic identity in his Foreign Policy during his first period of Presidency, 2014-2019. Through Constructivism approach and the concept of identity operated eclectically, the study finds that the factor of Islamic identity, to some extent, has contributed to the formation and implementation of foreign policy during this period. The Islamic identity can be approved by analytical descriptive explanation as it considered as the common measurement in international relation discipline, which is the platform and foreign policy orientation of Jokowi, in addition to his consistent diplomacy for Muslim world like Saudi Arabia-Iran conflict, Rohingya crisis, Afghanistan, and the existing two President Special Envoys for Middle East and OIC and for Cultural Cooperation and Interfaith Dialogues. This study shows that Jokowi was anti-Islam as accused by many during this period. Theoretically, the constructivism approach offers a new perspective on understanding the relationship of Islam and state in contemporary Indonesia.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45272604","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Anticipating The Return of Foreign Terrorist Fighters: Indonesia-Australia’s Initiative on Sub-Regional Meetings on Counterterrorism","authors":"Nuri Widiastuti Veronika","doi":"10.18196/jhi.v11i1.13084","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jhi.v11i1.13084","url":null,"abstract":"Efforts to overcome the increasing security threats of terrorism, violent extremism, and Foreign Terrorist Fighters (FTFs) have encouraged policymakers in Indonesia and Australia to strengthen cooperation in the security sector. Despite the Indonesian-Australian “turbulent” history of their bilateral relationship, the two countries have initiated a high-level meeting called the Sub-Regional Meeting (SRM) on Counter-Terrorism. Starting with six participants in 2017 (Indonesia, Australia, New Zealand, Malaysia, Brunei Darussalam, and the Philippines), Indonesia-Australia’s co-leadership has attracted Myanmar, Singapore and Thailand to join the 2018 Jakarta meeting and the 2020 virtual meeting. Analyzing Indonesia and Australia’s initiative on the SRM can determine to what extent this cooperation has addressed the returning FTFs as one of the most imminent regional security threats in the Asia Pacific. This study adopted Buzan and Weaver’s regional security complex elements in explaining to what extent this regional security issue has put aside Indonesian-Australian differences and led them to the co-leadership position in anticipating the return of FTFs to Asia Pacific, prone to terrorist attacks and violent extremist beliefs. The analysis unveiled that Indonesia-Australia’s SRM initiative to anticipate the return of FTFs could, to some extent, address the elements of security complexes in the Asia Pacific subregion through the mutual co-leadership, reduce the lack of regional trust and foreign policy dilemmas, build bonded trust across all levels of government administration, and obtain the advantage of the securitization of the return of FTFs.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42850199","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Implikasi Kultur Strategis Italia terhadap Perjanjian Quirinal: Dinamika Kontestasi Sub-Kultur Italia dalam Hubungan Prancis-Italia","authors":"Fauzan Raihan Amru","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33919","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33919","url":null,"abstract":"Italia sebagai salah satu negara yang signifikan dalam dinamika lingkup Eropa dan Mediterania secara historis dipahami memiliki bentuk karakteristik budaya strategis yang unik melalui pengalaman dan nilai-nilai historis Italia. Pengalaman Italia dalam dinamika perpolitikan Eropa terhadap antar aktor dapat dipahami fluktuatif dan berhubungan erat dengan konteks interaksi antar negara di masa tertentu. Relasi Italia dengan Prancis menjadi salah satu bentuk relasi yang fluktuatif dan cenderung memiliki karakteristik yang kompetitif dengan rivalitas yang kuat di antara satu sama lainnya, khususnya dalam ranah dinamika di kawasan Mediterania. Dengan naiknya Kabinet Conte I yang meliputi partai populis Gerakan Lima Bintang (M5S) dan Lega di Italia, hubungan kedua negara mengalami deterioritasi yang kuat terhadap berbagai isu akan imigrasi dan dinamika di Afrika. Seiring dengan pergantian Kabinet menjadi di bawah Draghi, hubungan kedua negara secara kontras diperkuat melalui melalui Perjanjian Quirinal dan menguatkan interdependensi keduanya. Melalui tulisan ini, penulis akan menggunakan pendekatan kultur strategis untuk memahami implikasi Perjanjian Quirinal terhadap identitas kultur strategis Italia di era kontemporer. Dengan analisis dominasi sub-kultur strategis Italia, penulis berargumen terdapat pergeseran dominasi ide kultur strategis dan persepsi ancaman Italia di bawah Kabinet Draghi. Dinamika kawasan Mediterania dan perpolitikan di Eropa dipahami memiliki peran kuat dalam pergeseran kultur strategis Italia.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48810573","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Kepentingan Nasional Arab Saudi dalam Kebijakan Intervensi Militer di Yaman terhadap Keterlibatan Iran","authors":"F. Hakiki, Deasy Silvya Sari","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33725","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33725","url":null,"abstract":"Fenomena Arab Spring di Yaman telah menimbulkan terjadinya intervensi negara lain terhadap situasi domestiknya. Intervensi ini dilihat pada kebijakan intervensi militer Arab Saudi di Yaman yang dilatar belakangi oleh keterlibatan Iran terhadap situasi domestik di Yaman akibat dari Arab Spring. Kebjikan ini juga menjadi kepentingan nasional Arab Saudi yang tidak lepas dari konflik antara Arab Saudi dan Yaman sendiri. Dengan menggunakan kerangka konseptual kepentingan nasional, serta metode penelitian kualitatif, terdapat empat kepentingan nasional Arab Saudi dalam kebijakan intervensi militer ini. Pertama, kepentingan pertahanan yaitu untuk mempertahankan batas negaranya dari ancaman Iran yang bergabung dengan pemberontak Houthi di mana Yaman berbatasan langsung dengan Arab Saudi. Kedua, kepentingan ekonomi yaitu didasari oleh bantuan ekonomi Iran yang diberikan kepada pemberontak Houthi. Ketiga, kepentingan tatanan dunia yaitu menegaskan status Arab Saudi sebagai regional power di Timur Tengah. Keempat, yaitu kepentingan ideologis yaitu Arab Saudi menggambarkan intervensi militernya ini sebagai perlawanan terhadap pengaruh Syiah yang dibawa oleh Iran di Yaman.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42192060","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Exports Driven by Hallyu Increasing South Korea’s Economic Growth - Cultural Diplomacy Approach","authors":"Titing reza Reza","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33230","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33230","url":null,"abstract":"Hallyu, or what was known as the Korean Wave that expanded through globalisation, was used as a soft power instrument for South Korean cultural Diplomacy to repair South Korean relations with other countries, as well as to develop its economic sites. Hallyu products can increase South Korea’s GDP by 0.2% in 2004 or by $ 1.87 billion, and it even reached $12.3 in 2019. This study uses four variables of Hallyu products that drive Korean economics: Cosmetics or K-beauty, Fashions, Inbound Tourism and education, compared with the other four highest non-Hallyu variables such as Electrical, Nuclear, Vehicles and Plastics. By using the correlations analysis method with python, the mathematical model of finding shows that the correlation of Hallyu products to South Korea’s GDP per capita was robust, even reaching a positive number of 0.89 compared to non-Hallyu products with a positive value of 0.44. This circumstance indicates that the Hallyu product has a very high correlation, where there was a positive increase of a fixed proportion in the other. Therefore, cultural Diplomacy carried out by South Korea was an example of soft power that has succeeded in controlling not only diplomacy but the economy as well.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43451069","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"University Social Responsibility during The Covid-19 Pandemic: Lessons from the Indonesian Context","authors":"Yeni Rosilawati, Zain Rafique, Atik Septi Winarsih","doi":"10.18196/jhi.v11i1.13446","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jhi.v11i1.13446","url":null,"abstract":"During the Covid-19 pandemic, social responsibility has become a key subject since it refers to the contribution of non-state actors in resolving the pandemic impact, becoming a non-traditional security issue. One non-state actor playing a significant role in society is educational institutions through university social responsibility (USR) programs. This study aims to analyze the form of USR programs and their benefits for communities affected by the pandemic. This study selected three universities as the case studies, encompassing Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta (UMY), Universitas Pertamina and Institut Pertanian Bogor (IPB). During the Covid-19 pandemic, these three universities implemented USR in the social field under the triple bottom line concept. This research employed in-depth interviews and secondary data collected through website reviews and clippings from the mass media. The results unveiled that UMY, Universitas Pertamina and IPB implemented USR in community empowerment in education, health, and technological innovation. These three universities established community empowerment schemes by involving students, lecturers and other stakeholders to demonstrate their contribution to dealing with and solving community problems caused by the pandemic. These three universities have always been oriented toward innovation, especially in education, research and community service. Innovation is significant because it helps increase skills, add value to the wider community, and impact sustainable development.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46863772","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}