Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans最新文献

{"title":"Party conflict over European integration in Italy: a new dimension of party competition?","authors":"N. Conti","doi":"10.1080/14613190600787435","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14613190600787435","url":null,"abstract":"The problem of party attitudes towards the process of European integration is one of growing interest in the literature on European studies, as well as that on party politics. Until recently, the two literatures developed without intersecting, until a number of contributions started to focus on the relevance of party orientations towards the EU for the development of European integration as well as for developments in party politics. In this context, Italy has long been associated with a tendency of diffuse party-based Europhilia following a process of slow re-alignment on the issue of European integration lasting more than 30 years. If at the beginning of the 1950s, on the question of the integration of West European democracies there was a deep polarisation—one that reflected the broader polarisation of the party system—at the end of the first republic in the early 1990s, the situation was one of convergence. All parties, excluding the extreme ones, shared not only a broad support for the integration process, but also a specific support for its trajectory as represented by the EC/EU. A widespread expectation at that time was that since the Italian party system had been penetrated by Europhilia, this sentiment would persist even after an important systemic change. This enthusiastic party attitude towards European integration developed alongside a traditional loyal attitude of domestic elites towards the EC. Indeed, it has been argued that among the various attitudes Italian negotiators adopted within the European arena, theirs was always one of loyalty. The instability of domestic governments, characterised by frequent change and ministerial turnover, alongside the frequent change in the government representatives acting in the European arena, might explain the flawed and rather submissive presence of Italy in EC/EU negotiations. The principle-based support for the process of European integration of the leading party of every government coalition, the Christian Democrats (Democrazia Cristiana, DC), and its ability to keep government foreign policy as its privileged domain for almost 50 years contributed to this loyalty on the part of Italian governments. Overall, ideological commitment, a lack of sophisticated tools of foreign policy and a deep embedding of the DC in domestic problems, contributed to the rather submissive attitude of the Italian government in the European arena.","PeriodicalId":313717,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans","volume":"63 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121088064","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Why Zones of Conflict is so annoying to some: a response to Bruce Kuniholm and others","authors":"V. Fouskas","doi":"10.1080/14613190600595903","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14613190600595903","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":313717,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126121055","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Doubtful revolutions and counter-revolutions deconstructed","authors":"Alina Mungiu‐Pippidi","doi":"10.1080/14613190600595721","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14613190600595721","url":null,"abstract":"On 15 December 1989, in the Romanian city of Timisoara, a huge crowd waiting for the chronically late tramway caught word of a nearby altercation between dictator Nicolae Ceauşescu’s secret service, Securitate, and a few Hungarian parishioners protesting the arrest of their priest. Although they were mostly Romanians, they allied with the parishioners against the Securitate. The altercation turned into an uprising after shots were fired by the Army. After a couple of days of escalation, by which time the whole city had joined the insurgents and had occupied the official buildings, Ceauşescu denounced it as the work of ‘foreign terrorists’. To counteract, he convoked the usual formal meeting of support in the capital Bucharest. However, a part of the crowd turned against him. He fled the city the next day, only to be found and shot in the midst of national panic created by sniper fire and collective hysteria. The regime which followed after him, resulting from the first free though unfair elections (1990), took a care to seal the archives concerning these events by means of a National Security Law passed in 1991. People have been left since puzzling over who were the alleged ‘Arab terrorists’. As the Western media originally reported a huge death toll the mere 1000 actually certified dead, although the highest of Eastern European revolutions, has been viewed since with some disappointment and suspicion. In Andijan, a small city in post-Soviet authoritarian Uzbekistan, where the monopoly of power of President Islam Karimov had still been unshaken, violence broke out on 13 May 2005. A small armed mob, Islamic ‘terrorists’ by government accounts, attacked the jail and set free the prisoners, then occupied the main official buildings. The local people gathered in the main square, according to some sources answering a call from the President who had flown in to address them as Ceauşescu had done, according to others by curiosity only. By late afternoon the square was surrounded by security forces. The government","PeriodicalId":313717,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans","volume":"62 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121723717","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Croatia and the European Union: a long delayed journey","authors":"D. Jović","doi":"10.1080/14613190600595598","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14613190600595598","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the relationship between the Croatian accession to the EU issue, especially after 2000. The author concludes that the transformation of the political scene since 2000 to 2004. had a decisive influence on the process of Croatian EU accession.","PeriodicalId":313717,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans","volume":"140 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126017910","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The business sector in Southeast Europe–stimulating activity vs. conforming to EU norms","authors":"P. Hare","doi":"10.1080/14613190600595549","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14613190600595549","url":null,"abstract":"For the present paper, Southeast Europe refers to the following list of states: Albania, Bulgaria, Romania; from the former Yugoslavia: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (often referred to as FYR Macedonia, or FYROM; or simply as the Republic of Macedonia), and the federation of Serbia and Montenegro; and Moldova. These states have experienced extremely diverse histories since the fall of communism, including the most severe ethnic conflict seen in Europe since the Second World War, various degrees of economic collapse and recovery, and rather mixed fortunes in terms of building stable and effective states. Given this background, the international community, together with these eight countries, has established a Stability Pact to foster a long-term conflict prevention strategy in the region. Table 1 presents a summary set of recent macroeconomic statistics for each country. Though currently growing rather faster than the CEB countries (Central Europe and the Baltics) that joined the EU in May 2004, the political strife and economic policy failures of the 1990s are clearly visible in the column of Table 1 showing real GDP in 2003 as a percentage of that in 1989. To a significant extent, current high growth might simply reflect recovery from the initial postcommunist economic collapse (and subsequent crises). It is debatable how sustainable it is unless accompanied by large increases in new investment. There is evidently much catching up to be done, with the exception of Albania which bounced back very rapidly from its mid-1990s economic and political crisis. On most of the other economic indicators shown in Table 1, other than the general government balance, the SEE countries are generally in a rather less favourable position than the CEB countries. It is important to bear these very significant differences in performance in mind in the subsequent discussion.","PeriodicalId":313717,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126940894","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Beyond 25—the changing face of EU enlargement: commitment, conditionality and the Constitutional Treaty","authors":"D. Phinnemore","doi":"10.1080/14613190600595499","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14613190600595499","url":null,"abstract":"Enlargement is widely regarded as the most successful external relations’ tool of the European Union (EU). By offering the prospect of membership to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in the 1990s, the EU not only responded to their desires for closer integration but also bought itself considerable political influence over domestic and international policy developments in the region. As a consequence, it has claimed a leading role in promoting and providing direction to the political and economic reform processes that governments have been pursuing. It has also contributed to regional stability and security. In the light of this success, faced with the need to respond to other countries’ aspirations for membership and conscious of the need to play a role in addressing security challenges in the wider Europe, the EU has since held out the prospect of membership to other, but not all, European countries. Currently there are eight countries, all in South-Eastern Europe, whose relations with the EU are developing within a perspective of possible membership. Two of these—Bulgaria and Romania—are scheduled to join in either 2007 or 2008. Others—Croatia and Turkey—have recently opened accession negotiations and according to projections could enter the EU in 2010 and 2014, respectively. Macedonia has applied for EU membership having concluded, like Croatia, a Stabilization and Association Agreement, and accession negotiations are expected to be opened soon following a positive avis from the Commission in November 2005. Negotiations on a Stabilization and Association Agreement are underway with Albania, began with Serbia and Montenegro in October 2005 and are imminent with Bosnia-Herzegovina. Other countries in the region and beyond have also signalled their interest in acceding to the EU. Moldova has membership aspirations, as do Ukraine and Georgia. And analysts as well as representatives and members of the EU’s various institutions have advocated offering these countries a membership perspective too. Given the considerable expansion of the EU since the end of the cold war— first from 12 to 15 member states in 1995 and then to 25 member states in 2004— casual observers of the EU could be forgiven for thinking that almost any European country can, should and will be offered the perspective of eventual membership and that further enlargement of the EU is inevitable. With the EU setting out the conditions that candidates must meet in order to succeed, monitoring progress on a regular basis, concluding Accession Partnerships,","PeriodicalId":313717,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134646445","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Social movements in Italy: which kind of Europeanisation?","authors":"M. Andretta, M. Caiani","doi":"10.1080/14613190500345342","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14613190500345342","url":null,"abstract":"Social movements have been one of the main actors which influenced the process of nation-building, by shaping and promoting national citizenship and by building a critical public sphere for discussing public matters, testing governmental decisions and making collective claims. At the same time the process of nation-state building has affected many features of social movements, providing both restrictions and opportunities. Today social movements face different challenges, which force them to adapt their strategies and to even change their identities. Neo-liberal policies, often justified by the process of globalisation, are eroding the acquired social rights, supranational institutions and intergovernmental organisations are reducing the sovereignty of democratic nation-states, the executives dominate elected parliaments, and parties are less and less able to channel citizens’ demands. In this context, European integration, by filtering the mentioned trends, and by reconfiguring the process of political representation within the nation-state, challenges social movements’ strategies and preferences. While the process of Europeanisation opens up new opportunities, it also provides new constraints and difficulties for collective mobilisation. Social movements may also be important promoters of a European identity and citizenship needed for stronger and more democratic European institutions.","PeriodicalId":313717,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127700487","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Administrative adaptation in Southern regions: the emergence of a ‘Europeanised’ bureaucratic elite?","authors":"S. Bolgherini","doi":"10.1080/14613190500345490","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14613190500345490","url":null,"abstract":"In recent decades, regions have dramatically emerged on the Community arena, and sub-national actors began to be considered legitimate partners in the European Union (EU) context. Europeanisation theories mainly focus on member states and their different reactions to EU pressures and developments. However, regional institutions also began to be involved in these processes and it is therefore possible to think of a ‘regional Europeanisation’. Theories on European integration often agree considering the process of Europeanisation as a set of pressures for adaptation, operating on political authorities and influencing their way of functioning and making decisions. The perspective adopted here considers this set of pressures coming from the EU as relevant not only for member states but also for sub-national authorities; the regional level will thus be the focus of our analysis. In particular, the cases of eight Southern European regions in four countries will be considered. The chosen case studies include Catalonia and Andalusia in Spain, Languedoc Roussillon and Rhône-Alps in France, Tuscany and Campania in Italy, Epirus and Attica in Greece. It is argued that Europeanisation and the related adaptation pressures have, in all eight regions, both an effect on the organisational structure of the regional","PeriodicalId":313717,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans","volume":"74 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132643458","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Europeanisation and domestic territorial change: the Spanish and Romanian cases of territorial adaptation in the context of EU enlargement","authors":"A. Dobre","doi":"10.1080/14613190500345557","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14613190500345557","url":null,"abstract":"Previous studies on Europeanisation and domestic territorial and regional change have presented different interpretations that appear at first sight to be irreconcilable. The empirical evidence presented by the authors writing in the field points towards contradictory patterns and examples of national change. Whereas some authors argue that the EU’s impact at the domestic level led to convergence towards regionalisation, others stress the opposite, namely, that it has led to divergence, either regionalisation or centralisation depending on the existing national structures. In this study, I seek to contribute to this debate on Europeanization in two main ways. First, I try to unpack these contrasting hypotheses andmeasurements of domestic change and second, I apply and test them by studying how the EC/EU prospect of membership affects the territorial and regional governance of Spain and Romania. The two countries were selected for their similarity in so far as they have an authoritarian past, have historical regional and territorial structures, and were faced with the task of reforming their meso-level organisation and arrangements in the framework of their post-authoritarian transformation and preparation for EC/EU membership. In investigating these two cases, findings indicate that there is a complex array of different territorial units, institutional arrangements and policy choices across","PeriodicalId":313717,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133501486","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Introduction: the Europeanisation of Southern Europe","authors":"Iosif Botetzagias","doi":"10.1080/14613190500391437","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14613190500391437","url":null,"abstract":"The present special issue on the Europeanisation of Southern Europe is more than a collection of up-to-date research papers on the different aspects of Europeanization. Its underlying rationale is to assess the problems, experiences and responses of, on the one hand, existing member states and, on the other hand, of new and candidate member states to Europeanisation. Different contributors in this issue use different definition(s) of Europeanisation (processes), and I am not going to offer in these opening lines yet another one: suffice to say that we all ascribe to the description of Europeanisation as ‘domestic change caused by European integration’. Another common thread of this issue’s papers is that they all address at least one of the three different mechanisms of Europeanisation’s impact on domestic change, identified by Knill and Lehmkuhl (2002): namely, (a) ‘institutional compliance’—where European policy making prescribes specific institutional requirements which have to be implemented, (b) ‘changing the domestic opportunity structures’—where the EU changes the ‘domestic rules of the game’, and finally (c) ‘a change in the beliefs and preferences of domestic actors’—a ‘framing integration’, affecting perceptions. The papers in this issue are organised in a way which allows the reader to progressively move across countries, national levels, policy domains and EU member state ‘categories’ in a differentiated pace: though each contribution is self-contained, one can easily draw comparisons with its preceding and following ones. In the first paper, Massimiliano Andretta and Manuela Caiani discuss the Europeanisation of the Italian social movements, employing a dual approach: on the one hand, with a top-down approach, they assess whether and how social movements are adapting their strategies within a Europeanised context, and whether and how they are able to seize the new European opportunities for achieving their goals, reaching the conclusion that while social movements still seem better able to exploit the domestic political opportunities, nevertheless they are slowly adapting to the transforming political context, taking more and more into account the European level. On the other hand, using a bottom-up approach, they deal with whether and how social movements frame their claims and identities as ‘European’ and which kind of vision of the process of European integration they promote, concluding that while they are more","PeriodicalId":313717,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114784922","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}