Jurnal Global & Strategis最新文献

{"title":"Localizing UNSCR 1325 in Indonesia: Study of Local Women Religious Groups in Peacebuilding and Counter Radicalization","authors":"N. Bintarsari, Ayusia Sabhita Kusuma, Nurul Azizah Zayzda","doi":"10.20473/jgs.16.1.2022.193-216","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jgs.16.1.2022.193-216","url":null,"abstract":"The adoption of UNSCR 1325 in Indonesia is a signifcant stage in recognizing women’s role in the peace process at the national and locallevels. This research is interested in examining how local communities, especially religious groups, perform their agency in peace-building, specifically counter-radicalization. This research questions the perception and strategies of women Quran study groups in Cilacap regency in counterradicalization efforts and later provides an overview of peace-building and counter-radicalization activities by women religious groups in Cilacap. The research shows that these women religious groups’ perceptions on radicalization influence their understanding as an agency in various counter-radicalization activities and contribute to building the foundation of peace in the community by strengthening society’s resilience through social and religious activities.Adopsi UNSCR 1325 di Indonesia menjadi satu tahapan yang signifkan untuk mengakui peran perempuan dalam proses perdamaian, baik di level nasional hingga lokal. Dengan tujuan mempelajari cara komunitas lokal, khususnya kelompok-kelompok pengajian perempuan, berperan sebagai agensi dalam upaya bina damai di ranah kontra-radikalisasi, penelitian ini mempertanyakan persepsi dan strategi kelompok pengajian perempuan sebagai representasi kelompok perempuan dan kelompok agamis di Kabupaten Cilacap dalam upaya-upaya kontra-radikalisasi dan bina damai. Lebih lanjut, artikel ini memberikan gambaran mengenai aktivitas-aktivitas bina damai dan kontra radikalisasi oleh kelompok pengajian perempuan di Cilacap dan menjelaskan bagaimana persepsi mereka tentang radikalisasi memengaruhi pemahaman sebagai agensi dalam rangkaian aktivitas kontraradikalisasi dan berperan dalam upaya mereka membangun fondasi bagi perdamaian positif di komunitas dengan penguatan ketahanan sosial melalui aktivitas-aktivitas sosial keagamaan","PeriodicalId":243676,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Global & Strategis","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128624351","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Non-State Actors' Efforts to Resolve Indonesia-Timor Leste Border Disputes at the Un-Surveyed Segment Point: A Constructivism Perspective","authors":"Elpius Kalembang, Yosef Serano Korbaffo","doi":"10.20473/jgs.16.1.2022.51-74","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jgs.16.1.2022.51-74","url":null,"abstract":"Hasil diplomasi antara Indonesia dan Timor Leste yang menyatakan bahwa lahan di titik un-surveyed segment merupakan wilayah milik Timor Leste, sebagaimana tertuang dalam Provisional Agreement tahun 2005, pada kenyataannya tidak pernah disosialisasikan kepada masyarakat Kecamatan Bikomi Nilulat. Hal ini kemudian berdampak pada adanya dualisme klaim masyarakat lintas negara. Masyarakat subdistrik Passabe di Timor Leste mengklaim lahan tersebut berdasarkan Provicional Agreement tahun 2005, sedangkan masyarakatKecamatan Bikomi Nilulat di Indonesia mengklaim lahan yang sama berdasarkan pada kesepakatan-kesepakatan adat masyarakat Kerajaan Bikomi dan Kerajaan Ambenu sebagai bagian dari anggota suku Atoni Meto. Dengan menggunakan perspektif konstruktivisme, penulis berpendapat bahwa perbatasan di titik unsurveyed segment telah ditetapkan berdasarkan kesepakatan-kesepakatan adat masyarakat Kerajaan Bikomi dengan Kerajaan Ambenu. Oleh karena itu, masyarakat kecamatan Bikomi Nilulat menghendaki adanya peninjauan kembali terhadap hasil Provisional Agreement tahun 2005 tersebut.\u0000The results of diplomacy between Indonesia and Timor Leste which stated that the land at the point of the un-surveyed segment was Timor Leste’s territory, as stated in the 2005 Provisional Agreement, had in fact never been socialized to the people of Bikomi Nilulat Subdistrict. This then has an impact on the dualism of cross-country community claims. The people of the Passabe sub-district in Timor Leste claimed the land based on the 2005 Provincial Agreement, while the people of the Bikomi Nilulat sub-district in Indonesia claimed the same land based on the customary agreements of the people of the Bikomi Kingdom and the Ambenu Kingdom as members ofthe Atoni Meto tribe. Using a constructivist perspective, the author argues that the border at the point of the un-surveyed segment has been determined based on the customary agreements of the people of the Bikomi Kingdom and the Ambenu Kingdom. Therefore, the people of the Bikomi Nilulat sub-district want a review of the results of the 2005 Provisional Agreement.","PeriodicalId":243676,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Global & Strategis","volume":"76 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126758782","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Breaking Taboo: Explaining the United Arab Emirates’ Decision to Establish Diplomatic Relationship with Israel","authors":"Broto Wardoyo, Rizal Valentino","doi":"10.20473/jgs.16.1.2022.147-174","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jgs.16.1.2022.147-174","url":null,"abstract":" Uni Emirat Arab (UEA) membuka hubungan diplomatik dengan Israel, yang bertentangan dengan Inisiatif Perdamaian Arab (IPA) yang juga ditandatangani oleh UEA, yang menyatakan agar tidak membuka hubungan diplomatik dengan Israel sebelum Palestina mendapatkan kemerdekaan. Selama ini, ancaman dari Iran ini ditangkal oleh eksistensi Amerika Serikat (AS) di kawasan Timur Tengah, namun seiring dengan berkurangnya perhatian AS pada kawasan Timur Tengah maka muncul kebutuhan untuk membangun aliansi dengan like-minded countries yang memiliki persepsi ancaman yang sama. Tulisan ini akan menjelaskan lebih dalam mengenai justifkasi UEA untuk tetap membuka hubungan diplomatik dengan Israel terlepas dari komitmen mereka terhadap IPA, melalui argumen bahwa keputusan UEA didorong oleh adanya persepsi akan ancaman dari Iran terhadap budaya stratejik mereka, dan lebih lanjut berkontribusi pada kajian mengenai faktor kultural dalam perumusan kebijakan luar negeri suatu negara.\u0000United Arab Emirate (UAE) is normalizing its diplomatic relationship with Israel, conflicting with the Arab Peace Initiative of which the UAE is one of the signatories, which stated that no Arab states should normalize diplomatic relationship with Israel before the Palestinians regain their rights to independence. Prior to UAE’s recent decision, the United States’ presence in Middle East has been the deterrence to the threat from Iran and now that US’ attention for the region has declined, the UAE needs partner from like-minded countries to secure its foothold against Iranian threat. This article will further explain the UAE’s decision to break the taboo in normalizing their diplomaticrelationship with Israel, by arguing that the UAE’s perception of threat from Iran, deeply embedded in UAE’s strategic culture, has led to the decision to normalize diplomatic relationship with Israel, and offers a cultural insight of a foreign policy decision making process in the study of foreign policy analysis.","PeriodicalId":243676,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Global & Strategis","volume":"85 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124882517","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"From the Accused to a Promoter: Indonesia’s Human Rights Diplomacy in the Post-Suharto Era","authors":"Dafri Agussalim","doi":"10.20473/jgs.16.1.2022.175-192","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jgs.16.1.2022.175-192","url":null,"abstract":" This article analyses Indonesia’s conduct of human rights diplomacy post-Suharto era, starting from the presidency of B.J. Habibie to Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The study aims to identify how Indonesia’s foreign policy instruments, specifcally human rights diplomacy, have been utilized on the international political stage to achieve Indonesia’s national interests during that period. Unlike the previous periods, Indonesia’s general attitude towards and policies governing human rights tend to be more active despite unresolved domestic human rights issues, evident from its various human rights advocacy efforts in regional and international forums. If previously Indonesia was accused of some of the most severe human rights violations, post-Suharto Indonesia has escaped this negative stigma, having strengthened its national interest while protecting, fulflling, and promoting human rights at both regional and international levels.\u0000Artikel ini menganalisis pelaksanaan diplomasi kemanusiaan pada era pascapemerintahan Presiden Suharto, mulai dari era kepresidenan B. J. Habibie hingga Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Studi ini bertujuan untuk mengidentifkasi bagaimana instrumen kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia, secara khusus diplomasi hak asasi manusia telah diimplementasikan dalam tatanan politik internasional untuk mencapai kepentingan nasional Indonesia dalam era terkait. Berbeda dengan periode-periode sebelumnya, perilaku dan kebijakan Indonesia terhadap hak asasi manusia cenderung lebih aktif, terlepas dari adanya isu-isu kemanusiaan pada tingkat domestik yang masih belum terselesaikan, melalui berbagai upaya advokasi hak asasi manusia di forum regional dan internasional. Apabila sebelumnya Indonesia memperoleh berbagai tuduhan serius terkait kasus pelanggaran hak asasi manusia, maka Indonesia pasca-Suharto telah berhasil keluardari stigma negatif tersebut, dengan memperkuat kepentingan nasionalnya sembari melindungi, memenuhi dan mempromosikan hak asasi manusia pada tingkat regional dan internasional.","PeriodicalId":243676,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Global & Strategis","volume":"330 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124659910","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Is the Ambition Hypothesis Exist on China's Defense Spending?","authors":"P. Kennedy","doi":"10.20473/jgs.16.1.2022.31-50","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jgs.16.1.2022.31-50","url":null,"abstract":"Since China conducted the economic reform in 1987, it has advanced a leap in its economy, technology, research, and military capabilities, surpassing many countries globally, even to have matched the United States. This study aims to discover whether there has been an ambition hypothesis in China when the country increased its defense since carrying out the reforms. This study adopts a quantitative analysis method that builds two simultaneous regression structural equation models: economic growth and military equation. The study results then indicate that China’s alleged motivation for ambition in determining the defense budget is met, where economic growth and taxes positively affect the military budget. The fulfillment of the hypothesis ambition in China is in stark contrast to the case of the United States, where economic growth and taxes negatively impact the size of the country’s military budget. In other words, unlike China, the United States increased its military budget when its economic growth got disrupted. For instance, during the trade war between the United States and China in March 2018, the United States eventually increased its military strength though its economy was hampered.\u0000Keywords: Ambition Hypothesis, Defense Spending, Military Strength, China-United States Rivalry, Trade War.\u0000 \u0000Sejak melakukan reformasi ekonomi pada tahun 1987, Tiongkok telah mengalami lompatan kapabilitas ekonomi, teknologi, penelitian, dan militer hingga melampaui banyak negara secara global dan bahkan hampir menyamai Amerika Serikat. Tujuan dari penelitian ini lantas adalah untuk mengetahui apakah terdapat hipotesis ambisi di Tiongkok ketika meningkatkan pertahanannya sejak adanya reformasi. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah analisis kuantitatif dengan membangun dua model persamaan struktural, yaitu persamaan pertumbuhan ekonomi dan persamaan militer, yang akan diregresi secara simultan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa dugaan motivasi ambisi Cina terpenuhi dalam penentuan anggaran pertahanannya, dimana pertumbuhan ekonomi dan pajak berpengaruh positif terhadap besaran anggaran militer. Pemenuhan hipotesis ambisi di Tiongkok berbanding terbalik dengan kasusu Amerika Serikat yang pertumbuhan ekonomi dan pajaknya justru berdampak negatif pada besaran anggaran militernya. Hal ini menunjukkan bahwa Amerika Serikat akan meningkatkan anggaran militernya ketika pertumbuhan ekonominya terganggu. Contohnya, ketika Perang Dagang dengan Tiongkok pada Maret 2018 lalu, Amerika Serikat justru meningkatkan kekuatan militernya walau perekonomiannya sedang terganggu.\u0000Kata kunci: Hipotesis Ambisi, Belanja Pertahanan, Kekuatan Militer, Rivalitas China-Amerika Serikat, Perang Dagang.","PeriodicalId":243676,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Global & Strategis","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121207763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}