Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology最新文献

{"title":"Icy Targets in Karajá ATR Harmony as Contrast Preservation","authors":"Avery Ozburn, Marjorie Leduc","doi":"10.3765/amp.v9i0.5190","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v9i0.5190","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents a novel application of Contrast Preservation (Lubowicz 2003) to analyze a puzzling pattern of icy targets (Jurgec 2011). Icy targets are segments which harmonize but then block the spread of harmony, and a particularly theoretically challenging type is present in Karajá, in which derived and underlying [+ATR] high vowels behave differently (Ribeiro 2002;2012). We show that this harmony pattern can be successfully analyzed by considering the behaviour of these icy targets as a form of contrast preservation, where high [-ATR] vowels must harmonize when followed by a [+ATR] vowel, but the underlying contrast between [-ATR] and [+ATR] high vowels is preserved on any preceding vowels. The icy target effect thus emerges as a way to compromise between the pressure to harmonize high vowels and the pressure to preserve underlying ATR contrasts in high vowels. In this way, we extend Contrast Preservation Theory to include vowel harmony patterns, opening new opportunities to analyze puzzling patterns as a choice in which contrasts to preserve.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"68 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127706377","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Interaction of lexical strata in hybrid compound words through gradient phonotactics","authors":"E. Rosen, Matthew A. Goldrick","doi":"10.3765/amp.v9i0.5158","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v9i0.5158","url":null,"abstract":"We analyse hybrid compound words in Japanese, where a hybrid compound is one formed from stems that belong to more than one lexical stratum. In native-foreign compounds, where one stem belongs to one of the three native strata: Yamato, Sino Japanese and mimetic, as identified by Itô and Mester (1995), and the other to the foreign stratum, we observe that violations of phonological wellformedness constraints in the foreign stem are significantly less probable than in pure foreign words. These observations are explainable through gradient phonotactic probability, where the probability of a phoneme is determined by the whole sequence of phonemes that precedes it. We shall argue that this observed phonotactic behaviour of hybrid compounds is best explained by the hypothesis that both lexical strata distinctions and phonotactics are graded rather than categorical.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127905029","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Phrasal Prominence Location is Influenced by IP Boundary Location in the Absence of Stress Clash","authors":"Soundess Azzabou - Kacem, A. Turk","doi":"10.3765/amp.v9i0.5299","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v9i0.5299","url":null,"abstract":"Several factors can influence early prominence in double-stressed words (e.g., Maltese), namely the presence of foot-level stress clash with a following word, and their adjacency to domain-initial boundaries. We test whether initial accent can occur in such words even when the words are spoken in isolation. Fourteen targets and 26 tri-syllabic filler-items were produced in isolation and in a frame sentence, e.g., [Say Maltese again], by 12 English speakers. In isolation, ‘Early’ prominence on, e.g., Mal- is more likely because the target is utterance- and phrase-initial. In the Embedded condition, phrasal prominence should be less likely on the initial syllable because there is a weaker boundary preceding the target. Three linguists coded prominence location. Early prominence rates, and Early scores (sum of ‘Early’ judgements/token) were calculated. While 96% of the Embedded tokens were perceived with ‘Late’ prominence, this pattern appeared in only 48% of the Isolated targets. The Early scoreswere also significantly higher in the Isolated condition. Overall, results suggest that doubly-stressed words show stress shifting to demarcate the left IP-edge. Because this study uses contexts free of stress clash with a following word, its results provide evidence that other factors, namely domain-onset-marking, can influence prominence location.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125884233","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Learning Phonotactics in a Differentiable Framework of Subregular Languages","authors":"Huteng Dai, Richard Futrell","doi":"10.3765/amp.v9i0.5173","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v9i0.5173","url":null,"abstract":"Phonotactic constraints have been argued to beregular, meaning that they can be represented usingfinite-state automata (Heinz, 2018); furthermore, they have been argued to occupy a even more restrictedregion of the regular language class known as the subregular hierarchy (Rogers & Pullum, 2011). Ourcontribution is to present a simple model of phonotactic learning from positive evidence. Our approach isbased on probabilistic finite-state automata (Vidal et al., 2005a,b). We study the model’s ability to induce localand nonlocal phonotactics from wordlist data, both with and without formal constraints on the automaton.In particular, we evaluate the ability of our learner to induce nonlocal phonotactic constraints from data ofNavajo and Quechua. Our work provides a framework in which different formal models of phonotactics canbe compared, and sheds light on the structural nature of phonological acquisition (Dai, 2021; Shibata & Heinz,2019; Heinz & Rogers, 2010, 2013).","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115236452","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Phonetically Identical Forms can Have Different Phonological Behaviors","authors":"Naiyan Du","doi":"10.3765/amp.v9i0.5147","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v9i0.5147","url":null,"abstract":"There is a lot of research since at least mid-1980s documenting the effect of incomplete neutralization of phonological contrasts. Some researchers have taken this as evidence against traditional formal phonology where categorical phonological representation is assumed. By such way of using phonetic measurement to directly infer phonological representation, two assumptions have been made. First, phonetically different forms should be different in phonology; Second, phonetically identical forms should be identical in phonology. The first assumption has been largely undermined in the case of prosodic words lengthening in Japanese. It has been showed that although lengthened prosodic word has identical phonological behavior with their underlying counterpart in Japanese, their durations are significantly different. As an attempt to oppose the second assumption, the current study investigates Tone 4 Sandhi of Huai’an Mandarin. I show that although Lexically Derived Tone 3 is phonetically indistinguishable from Post-Lexically Derived Tone 3 with regard to F0, their phonological behaviors are different with regard to the ability to trigger another tone sandhi process. F0 is measured since it contains all critical phonetic cues that can distinguish Mandarin tones.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"72 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125717829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"What can children’s spelling tell us about underlying representations?","authors":"Clàudia Pons-Moll, Gisela Fuertes","doi":"10.3765/amp.v9i0.5176","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v9i0.5176","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the written productions of first and second grade Catalan children in an attempt to tap into their understanding of the underlying forms of Catalan unstressed vowels for which alternations are not present (and for which multiple inputs are thus possible). The paper also explores the differences in spelling between alternating and non-alternating [ə] and [u], in order to find out whether morphophonemic alternations are taken into consideration in children’s spellings choices, as well at which stage these start to be considered.The results for first graders show generalized misspellings in which schwa and [u] are systematically associated with the graphemes a and u, regardless these vowels alternate with vowels in stressed position or do not. This behavior clearly supports the Lexicon Optimization Hypothesis, according to which there is a first stage in language acquisition in which, from all possible input candidates (Richness of the Base), the learner selects the one that matches the adult output representation as the optimal input (Smolensky 1996).The results for second graders show a noticeable decline in misspellings for alternating schwa  and [u]. This leads to think that morphophonemic alternations are progressively incorporated and taken into account in the process of UR construction. Of course, this better performance in the spelling of alternating vowels might also be a consequence of a better familiarity with conventional spelling. Importantly, though, the decline in misspellings for alternating schwa and [u] coincides with an increase in spelling mistakes for non-alternating vowels. In our view, this undescores the influence of conventional orthography in children’s spelling choices, points to the influence of phonology, and more specifically to a stage of vacillation with respect to the UR of non-alternating forms, with apparent overgeneralizations. This behavior, thus, may support the free-ride approach to morphophonemic learning (McCarthy 2005).The results for both first graders and second graders show differences in the spelling between back vowels (with fewer mistakes) and non-back vowels (with more mistakes), and we argued this might be related to the fact that the children have to deal with a more reduced typology of output-input alternations for back vowels (two-to-one) than for non-back vowels (three-to-one). This is evidence, again, for the role of morphophonemic alternations (i.e. morphology) in children’s spelling choices. The results for both graders also reveal that more productive alternations, such as the ones found between a base and the diminutive, are more transparent to the kids than others: whereas diminutives were generally spelled correctly, non-diminutives were not, giving support again to the influence of morphophonemic alternations, and their transparency, in children’s spelling choices.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127300312","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The morpho-phonology of accusative and genitive case in Barguzin Buryat","authors":"Colin Davis","doi":"10.3765/amp.v9i0.5169","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v9i0.5169","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, I explore an aspect of the morpho-phonology of accusative and genitive case in the Barguzin dialect of Buryat. While most case suffixes in this language are straightforward, accusative and genitive case display considerable complexity. I argue that these cases are subject to a particular phonological alignment constraint, which motivates the inclusion of an epenthetic morpheme in some cirumstances. I go on to relate this analysis to several other details about these cases, several of which remain to be explained in future work.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":" 4","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133052595","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Revisiting Tone Sandhi Domain in Xiamen Chinese","authors":"Yaqing Cao","doi":"10.3765/amp.v9i0.5184","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v9i0.5184","url":null,"abstract":"The tone sandhi domain in Xiamen Chinese was examined to demonstrate that Match gives a much elegant explanation than Align/Wrap because it allows for subcategorization. MATCHNONMIN and MATCHMAX, when interacting with general MATCHSP, are enough to predict the tone sandhi domain in Xiamen Chinese. Align/Wrap, on the other hand, needs a prosodic well-formedness constraint such as BINARITY to dominate Align/Wrap. Altogether, we take this as a piece of evidence for the richer and fine-grained prosodic subcategorizations.The comparison between Match and Align/Wrap is conducted in the SPOT and the automatic evaluation of all the possible candidates is done in the OTworkplace. ","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"87 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130044616","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Incomplete neutralization and the blueprint model of production","authors":"Scott Nelson, Jeffrey Heinz","doi":"10.3765/amp.v9i0.5304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v9i0.5304","url":null,"abstract":"The division of labor between the phonetic and phonological modules in generative linguistics has often been allocated such that phonology handles the discrete and symbolic aspects of a language's sound system, while the phonetics transforms the symbols either into, or from, continuously varying acoustic and/or articulatory representations. This type of architecture struggles with accounting for incomplete neutralization where two segments are neutralized phonologically, but maintain a measurable phonetic distinction. While some explanations of this phenomenon blur the lines between phonetics and phonology, this paper provides an alternate approach by restructuring the architecture of \"modular feedforward models\". This is done by conceptualizing the language production pipeline as a series of functions and considering the types of each function. The resulting model is referred to as the `Blueprint Model of Production' and maintains many of the assumptions of modular feedforward models while also being able to explain incomplete neutralization data. Final devoicing is used as an example case.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122130974","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Phonological contrasts are maintained despite neutralization: an intracranial EEG study","authors":"Anna Mai, S. Riès, Sharona Ben-Haim, J. Shih, T. Gentner","doi":"10.3765/amp.v9i0.5197","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v9i0.5197","url":null,"abstract":"The existence of language-specific abstract sound-structure units (such as the phoneme) is largely uncontroversial in phonology. However, whether the brain performs abstractions comparable to those assumed in phonology has been difficult to ascertain. Using intracranial electroencephalography (EEG) recorded during a passive listening task, this study investigates the representation of phonological units in the brain and the relationship between those units, auditory sensory input, and higher levels of language organization, namely  morphology. Leveraging the phonological neutralization of coronal stops to tap in English, this study provides evidence of a dissociation between acoustic similarity and phonemic identity in the neural response to speech. Moreover, leveraging morphophonological alternations of the regular plural and past tense, this study further demonstrates early (<500ms) evidence of dissociation between phonological form and morphological exponence. Together these results highlight the central nature of language-specific knowledge in sublexical language processing and improve our understanding of the ways language-specific knowledge structures and organizes speech perception in the brain.","PeriodicalId":197364,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127666376","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}