{"title":"Lincoln and Citizenship","authors":"Glenna R. Schroeder-Lein","doi":"10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.10","url":null,"abstract":"The Concise Lincoln Library series, published by Southern Illinois University Press since 2011, now contains about twenty-eight volumes. One of the most recent is Mark E. Steiner's Lincoln and Citizenship, which follows the series format of a short book intensely focused on a particular Lincoln-related topic.Steiner sets the stage for his study by posing the following question: Whom did Abraham Lincoln mean when he addressed a crowd as “fellow citizens”? Did it mean the same thing to him as when he said “ladies and gentlemen”? Taking a chronological approach, Steiner shows how Lincoln's concept of citizenship changed over time.In his first comment about citizenship, a campaign statement published in the Sangamo Journal on June 18, 1836, Lincoln seems to have taken a step back from the then-popular universal white male suffrage, already a feature of the 1818 Illinois state constitution. He would offer suffrage only to whites who met obligations to the state, such as militia duty and paying taxes, and, in an aside, mentioned that this could include taxpaying women, although Lincoln was never an advocate of woman suffrage. Steiner explains this viewpoint as part of a Whig campaign against Democratic presidential candidate Martin Van Buren in 1836 and 1840, although other Whigs did not want to return to limiting white male suffrage. Lincoln did not continue to advocate taxpayer suffrage.In the antebellum period, nativism was very strong in the United States, particularly in the Northeast. The effort to restrict the rights of recent immigrants led to the founding of the American or “Know-Nothing” party in the 1850s. Lincoln always opposed nativism, and welcomed naturalized white males to citizenship, particularly German immigrants who supported the Republican Party.Lincoln was anti-slavery in his opinions, opposed to the extension of slavery into the territories, but not an abolitionist, favoring the immediate end of slavery. A moderate and gradualist, Lincoln favored voluntary colonization of freed blacks through late 1862, but he was not an active member of a colonization society.The issue of possible black citizenship, disallowed by the Dred Scott decision in 1857 and then made possible by the Civil War, as well as Lincoln's changing views on the subject, occupy the final two chapters of the book. In his campaign statements during some of the 1858 Lincoln-Douglas debates, Lincoln proclaimed his opposition to black political and social equality. He nevertheless believed, and stated, that blacks were equal in their rights to “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,” as found in the Declaration of Independence. In other words, blacks had “natural” rights and should also have some civil rights (to improve their condition, to own property, and to testify in court, for example). These complicated and sometimes contradictory opinions by Lincoln have been the subject of much discussion in a number of previous books. Steiner provides a clear and concis","PeriodicalId":17416,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-)","volume":"64 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135324763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Editor's Note","authors":"","doi":"10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.01","url":null,"abstract":"Editorial| October 01 2023 Editor's Note Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-) (2023) 116 (2-3): 5–7. https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.01 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email Tools Icon Tools Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Editor's Note. Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-) 1 October 2023; 116 (2-3): 5–7. doi: https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.01 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All Scholarly Publishing CollectiveUniversity of Illinois PressJournal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-) Search Advanced Search THIRTY YEARS AGO, while plunging into the culture, society, and politics of Jacksonian America, searching for insights into those who lived those times, I encountered daguerreotypes, the first form of photography. The silvered, copperplate images stared into my eyes—a crusty John Quincy Adams, a trace of patrician superiority on his lips and eyes hungering for the next fight. Or an aged and battered Andrew Jackson, only a month or so before his death, his dimmed eyes swollen, the stiff mane of white hair and a toothless mouth signaling energy spent, but the determined line of his jaw kindling memories of January 8, 1815, as he peered over the barrier of mud and cotton bales toward the approaching British troops outside New Orleans.Other portraits, often enclosed in metal or wood, velvet-lined cases, were equally affecting. “Regular” people—a druggist smiling as he sorted pills, an enslaved person whose face hints... You do not currently have access to this content.","PeriodicalId":17416,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-)","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135324766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Swedish Chicago: The Shaping of an Immigrant Community, 1880–1920","authors":"Cinda Klickna","doi":"10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.12","url":null,"abstract":"As immigrants came to America during the late 1800s and early 1900s, they often settled in specific areas. Thus, the early records of a city can identify the various ethnic enclaves—German, Irish, Italian, and Swedish, to name a few—who lived in close-knit groups. As the immigrants gained work and flourished in their financial well-being, many moved to other areas of the city. Many times, the dispersion of people weakened their immigrant ties.Anita Olson Gustafson in Swedish Chicago: The Shaping of an Immigrant Community, 1880–1920 focuses strictly on the Swedes in Chicago who settled between 1880 and 1920 and challenges the view that the community life “eroded” when people moved to other areas. Gustafson argues that even as Swedes moved, the Swedish ties remained, establishing a strong Swedish presence throughout the city.The many Swedish churches and newly formed organizations and clubs were the catalysts of the Swedish influence in many neighborhoods of Chicago. Even though there were often divisive views in religious dogma and social mores, the result, Gustafson writes, “was a very dynamic, diverse, divided and dispersed Swedish community, rooted solidly on the proliferating and changing neighborhoods in which Swedish immigrants lived.”Gustafson traces the trend of Swedish immigration to America. Some made the journey alone; some in groups, joining others already living in the city; women often were accompanied by a male member of the family. The women often took domestic work, considered respectable; men worked in factories.By 1910, one-fifth of all people born in Sweden lived in the United States. The Swedish population in Chicago was larger than any other city in the United States and second in the world only to Stockholm.With the advent of elevated train lines in Chicago, people began moving to the outskirts of the city; truck farms were established, specializing in produce that could be taken into the city. By 1920, Gustafson says, “the Swedish enclaves, no longer as centralized as they had been in 1880, spread throughout the city.” Swedish businesses popped up.Letters between the immigrants and those back home created transatlantic ties. Excerpts from letters and journals showcase the pains, joys, health, homesickness, and struggles they faced. Gustafson claims the rural Swedes may have known more about Chicago than Stockholm.As people settled in new areas of Chicago, they built churches. These created a network where people spoke in their native language and shared in social events. The churches offered new immigrants a feeling of family. Several denominations—Augustana Lutheran, Mission Covenant, Swedish Baptist, and Swedish Methodist—each held differing views, often splintering groups apart, but establishing churches in newly settled areas was always a focus of the people. Gustafson provides an in-depth look at each of these denominations and their development, including a list of all the churches, the year established and location i","PeriodicalId":17416,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-)","volume":"81 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135324764","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"When Cinderella Ran the Show: Bertha Duppler Baur in Chicago","authors":"Michelle Killion Morahn","doi":"10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.04","url":null,"abstract":"HOLLYWOOD COULD NOT WRITE A BETTER SCRIPT than the real-life story of Bertha Duppler Baur. This small-town Cinderella used intelligence and determination to make her way in the world before marrying her Prince Charming. The fairy tale might have ended there, but Bertha continued to live as a wealthy, independent woman after her husband's untimely death. She was presented to the Queen of England and entertained European royalty in her home. Her daughter married a Canadian nobleman, securing a place in society. Truly a fairy tale story. But, in this Cinderella story, the Republican Party served as her fairy godmother, and the US post office in Chicago became her ballroom.Bertha Duppler Baur's story is more than a fairy tale, however. A truly modern woman, she moved in some of the highest political circles of her day. She was comfortable in the male world of politics and business, where she excelled, and she did this before women had the right to vote or held seats in the board rooms of corporate America. All this derived from her years in the Chicago post office.Bertha Duppler was born October 22, 1874, in Mineral Point, Wisconsin, to German Catholic parents who had immigrated to the United States in 1848. Her father Sebastian began his American life in Milwaukee, where he worked for the Pabst Brewing Company.1 In Sauk City, Wisconsin, he married Mary Fuhr in 1863. The couple moved to Mineral Point, a mining community in southwestern Wisconsin, where Sebastian operated a “sample room,” with the family living above. A sample room was a licensed saloon that provided space for traveling salesmen to display their wares.2 The local newspaper noted he carried “wines, liquors, and cigars,” but also a temperance drink known as Spruce Beer, and liquors for “medicinal, mechanical, scientific, or harvesting purposes,”3 suggesting recognition of the power of temperance and respect for it. This practical approach to alcohol would later influence Bertha's run for Congress.Bertha's mother Mary died when she was just six years old, leaving her father with four children, two boys and two girls, with Bertha being the youngest. He never remarried. Bertha's older sister Rosa married a boy from a nearby town, and moved to Iowa just five months after their mother's death, leaving Bertha without a female presence in her daily life.4 Many years later, after her marriage to Jacob Baur, Bertha took a course in home management at Chicago's School of Domestic Arts and Science to learn how to supervise a household, since this knowledge was not passed to her.5 Today known as “home economics,” the course of study was designed to bring scientific rigor to domestic labor,6 creating “domestic engineers.”7Bertha attended public schools in Mineral Point, graduating from High School with honors in 1889.8 Eager to assert her independence and make a name in the world, after graduation at age seventeen, she moved to Chicago by herself and studied at the Metropolitan Business College wher","PeriodicalId":17416,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-)","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135324759","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Illinois Bound: The Orphan Trains of the New York Juvenile Asylum","authors":"Clark Kidder","doi":"10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.07","url":null,"abstract":"NEARLY SEVEN THOUSAND CHILDREN WERE LOADED ON TRAINS by the New York Juvenile Asylum (NYJA) in New York City and indentured in Illinois during the years 1854 to 1906.1 The trains they rode, now known as orphan trains, were collectively a part of what historians refer to as the orphan train movement. An estimated two hundred thousand children rode such trains to nearly every state in the US.2 Excluding New York State itself, it was the Midwest that received the vast majority of children, with Illinois holding the distinction of having received the highest number—followed closely by Iowa.3It was New York City that gave birth to the orphan train movement. The city became overwhelmed by thousands of immigrants arriving from Europe—primarily Ireland and Germany—many fleeing hardships such as religious persecution or Ireland's infamous potato famine. Crime rates began to soar as a result of overcrowding and poverty. In 1848, it was estimated that between ten and thirty thousand children were roaming the city's streets.4 By 1850, the city's population swelled to 515,477.5New York City's chief of police, George Washington Matsell, described the situation as a “deplorable and growing evil.” In his report to city officials, he warned of “the constantly increasing numbers of vagrant, idle and vicious children of both sexes, who infest our public thoroughfares, hotels, docks.”6New Yorkers were horrified by a subsequent grand jury report on serious crimes: “Of the higher grades of felony, four-fifths of the complaints examined have been against minors. And two-thirds of all complaints acted on during the term have been against persons between the ages of 19 and 21.”7The city began building institutions to hold the thousands of children arrested for vagrancy, truancy, or petty crimes—many of whom were placed in adult prisons for lack of juvenile institutions to hold them. Some were full orphans, others were half-orphans, having lost just one parent. Many were the offspring of intemperate parents. Yet others were the children of parents who were simply destitute and unable to provide basic food and shelter for them, forcing them onto the streets, and in many cases, into begging or prostitution.It was not long before the available orphan asylums were overcrowded or completely filled. Several of New York City's Protestant clergymen decided the wide expanse and farms of the West would provide the wholesome and religious atmosphere required to reform the children, teach them a trade, and at the same time, alleviate the shortage of farm laborers.The NYJA, which was incorporated in 1851,8 held hundreds of such children. Asylum officials partnered with Charles Loring Brace, president of the newly formed New York Children's Aid Society (CAS), to send what is considered the United States’ first orphan train west. A company of thirty-six children, most of whom were furnished by the NYJA, were sent by train and steamboat to Dowagiac, Michigan, on September 28, 1854.9 The ve","PeriodicalId":17416,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-)","volume":"62 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135324768","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Willa Beatrice Brown and Chicago's Aviation Legacy","authors":"Theresa L. Kraus","doi":"10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.03","url":null,"abstract":"WHEN HISTORIANS AND BIOGRAPHERS WRITE ABOUT CHICAGO AVIATOR WILLA BROWN, they generally recount tales of her role as one of the first licensed female Black pilots in the United States and her indefatigable efforts to open military aviation to Black pilots. They often overlook, however, her personal struggles to obtain a pilot license in a White, male-dominated aviation community, and incorrectly identify her as being the first Black female to earn a federal pilot's license. Most rarely examine her inspiration and motivation for fighting established norms and advocating for the acceptance of Black pilots into the aviation community at large.1 Why, for example, did moving to Chicago and meeting the city's pioneering Black aviators result in a career change from teacher to aviator? What in her background drove her passion to become a spokesperson and lobbyist for change? In an age of racial injustice, segregation, and denied opportunities in many professions, Willa Brown's indomitable spirit and her extraordinary courage helped prove both Black men and women had the right stuff to take to the air.The well-educated Brown simply refused to take no for an answer. Outspoken and fighting for what she believed was right, she was one of a handful of Black women who made a difference for their sex and race in the early twentieth century. As one writer explained, Black women like Brown “didn't care what people thought of them, they didn't let racism stop them, they didn't let the threat of violence, didn't let social structures, stop them.”2 They did not give up in their fight for equality.Willa Brown's early life helped define the woman she would become later in life—educated, driven, and an advocate for equal rights. She was born on January 22, 1906, in Glasgow, Kentucky, the second child and only daughter of Hallie May Carpenter Brown, a Native American, and Eric Brown, an African American.3 In 1915, Eric and Hallie moved Willa, her four brothers, and a nephew from their farm in Kentucky first to Indianapolis, Indiana. The couple subsequently had a fifth son. As the only girl in a household of boys, she certainly learned early how to defend herself and speak up for what she wanted.Like many of their generation, the Brown's had joined the migration north in search of better employment and educational opportunities for their children, and to escape Kentucky's Jim Crow laws. In Indianapolis, Eric Brown worked as a laborer for the Citizens Gas Company. In Indianapolis, however, the Browns found little relief from discrimination, where schools and businesses were also largely segregated and the African American community remained small. The city proved fairly inhospitable to Black migrants. The Black population was isolated socially and economically, jobs were hard to find, and increasing Ku Klux Klan activity, especially in the political arena, made it difficult for Black residents to succeed.4 In fact, one historian described Indianapolis as having “the unen","PeriodicalId":17416,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-)","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135324767","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Until Justice Be Done: America's First Civil Rights Movement, from the Revolution to Reconstruction","authors":"Joseph Rathke","doi":"10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.09","url":null,"abstract":"In the antebellum era, abolitionists, politicians, and Black activists in the United States fought to end slavery and demand racial justice. Along with renowned abolitionists and politicians, a diverse base of local activists and free Black people organized at the grassroots and agitated for legal rights at the state level. These proponents of civil rights formed organizations, produced publications, and created political parties to demand change in the face of fierce, often violent opposition.Earlier scholars of abolitionism and civil rights have worked to give agency to abolitionists and Black communities in this period, but a more complex problem remained. Historians have rarely interrogated the substantive mechanisms by which the fringe politics of abolitionism and racial equality worked their way into public consciousness and policy. In Until Justice Be Done, Kate Masur provides a stunning, provocative intervention to address this question: she argues that struggles to demand legal rights for African Americans in the antebellum era constituted America's first civil rights movement.While American federalism and political opposition made efforts to achieve legal equality impractical on the national stage, Masur shows that activists waged remarkable campaigns for civil rights at the state level long before the Civil War and Reconstruction. Civil rights proponents demanded rights premised on the citizenship of free Black people in northern states. They challenged state laws that restricted the legal status and rights of Black residents, producing influential campaigns that made inroads into state politics. In the mid-nineteenth century, Illinois became a significant epicenter for local movement-building that confronted the state's Black Laws. Masur shows how political organizing to demand citizenship rights for Black people in Illinois fed into the broader ascendance of the Republican Party as an antislavery coalition, both locally and nationally. Going further, Masur demonstrates how local movements for civil rights expanded to confront unequal laws across state lines. Abolitionists and their allies drew on legal protections and principles of citizenship in free states to confront the legal abuse and wrongful imprisonment of free Black sailors passing through slave states.In her final chapters, Masur uses her analysis of this antebellum civil rights movement to forge a continuity between the struggles for liberation and equal rights that took place before the Civil War and in its aftermath. She notes how activist pressure exploited new opportunities for civil rights advancement created by the war, taking the fight against black codes and support for the right to vote to places like Washington, DC, where slavery had once been firmly established, even as the war raged on. In the aftermath of the war, the Republican coalition that pushed through the 1866 Civil Rights Act and the Fourteenth Amendment represented a continuation of this long civil ri","PeriodicalId":17416,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-)","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135324761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Uneasy Partners: The Coming Together of Lindsay-Schaub Newspapers","authors":"Robert E. Hartley","doi":"10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.2.3.06","url":null,"abstract":"AT THE BEGINNING OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY, the owners, editors, and managers of the Decatur Review and Decatur Herald could not have dreamed of a future that would make them wealthy and influential. It was enough just to survive the publishing challenges that claimed so many rivals and competitors in the 1800s.Their stories are in many ways reflective of the downstate newspaper fortunes that developed across the state of Illinois in such locations as Springfield, Kankakee, Rockford, and Peoria. The Decatur newspapers story is important in terms of the personalities involved, their willingness to bury individual pride and ambition to stay in business, not to mention their impact on communications across the lower half of the state.Most newspaper companies serving large downstate Illinois communities began in the 1800s as independently owned operations published weekly or less frequently. One study of the business states the first print edition, named the Illinois Herald, occurred before statehood in 1814, at Kaskaskia, the state's first capital.1 By 1827, the Sangamo Spectator appeared in Springfield. In the mid-nineteenth century, there were about three hundred newspapers in Illinois. The number grew rapidly. The 1880 census recorded 1,017 newspapers.2Similar patterns of development followed: weekly papers came and went; survivors started publishing daily before 1900; early in the twentieth century, more stable operations took shape as communities grew in population and technology improved profits. After World War I, survivors soon found merger or consolidation necessary to survive changing economic conditions and reader interests.The Great Depression of the 1930s further reduced the number of locally owned papers, with the first national newspaper conglomerates snatching up weakened local companies. By mid-century, further ownership changes occurred, leading to the growth of small family-owned chains. Those chains were purchased by even larger chains in the 1960s and 1970s, leading to a trend of decline in the number of papers, with most all owned by national companies headquartered outside Illinois.Throughout this evolution in publishing, the Decatur Herald and Decatur Review progressed in similar fashion, echoing developments throughout downstate Illinois. However, one distinction sets it apart from others. Eventually, through purchases beginning in 1932, Decatur Newspapers, later named Lindsay-Schaub Newspapers, Inc., at one point owned newspapers in five separate central and southern Illinois cities.In Springfield by the early 1920s, competition thrived between the Illinois State Register and the Illinois State Journal under separate ownerships. Copley Press, headquartered in California, purchased the morning State Journal in 1927. Copley bought the afternoon State Register in 1942, ending local ownership in the state capital city. Gannett is the owner today of the Journal-Register.The family of Len Small, governor of Illinois from 1921 to 1","PeriodicalId":17416,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-)","volume":"73 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135324765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A President Visits East St. Louis: The Racialized Politics of Market Talk, Enterprise Zones, and Abandonment, 1980–2010","authors":"R. Biles, M. Rose","doi":"10.5406/23283335.116.1.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.1.05","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":17416,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-)","volume":"58 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74636168","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Contributors","authors":"","doi":"10.5406/23283335.116.1.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.1.02","url":null,"abstract":"Other| April 01 2023 Contributors Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-) (2023) 116 (1): 7–8. https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.1.02 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email Permissions Search Site Citation Contributors. Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-) 1 April 2023; 116 (1): 7–8. doi: https://doi.org/10.5406/23283335.116.1.02 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All Scholarly Publishing CollectiveUniversity of Illinois PressJournal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-) Search Advanced Search Sean Jacobson is an Assistant Professor of Public History at the University of North Alabama. He earned a BA in History and TV/Film Production from Western Kentucky University, and he completed a PhD in Public History and American History at Loyola University ChicagoMark Flotow is an independent researcher and an adjunct research associate in Anthropology at the Illinois State Museum. He is the editor of In Their Letters, in Their Words: Illinois Civil War Soldiers Write Home, from Southern Illinois University Press.Roger Biles is Professor of History Emeritus at Illinois State University. He has written several books and articles on Illinois topics. He and Mark H. Rose are currently working on a book that deals with deindustrialization in the Calumet and Metro East regions.Mark Rose is Professor of History at Florida Atlantic University. He is the author of books and articles focused on American business, political,... You do not currently have access to this content.","PeriodicalId":17416,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (1998-)","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135722144","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}