{"title":"Strategy of Small States Toward Regional Powers: A Case of Bangladesh","authors":"Mohammad Razaul Karim","doi":"10.1177/09735984231204410","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09735984231204410","url":null,"abstract":"The objective of this article is to examine the foreign policy tactics of minor states in relation to regional powers. In this research, Bangladesh has been taken as a case study to show how effectively it is engaged with two regional powers simultaneously, India and China, while still being capable of retaining political independence to pursue its national interests. Bangladesh’s foreign policy behavior establishes that, due to its relatively weak economic and military nature, this small country can have an influence on its alliance formation. Considering its size and economy, realist theory proposes that a small country like Bangladesh will bandwagon with great power. This article examines the stance of Bangladesh in its approach toward China and India. Rather than aligning itself with either country, Bangladesh adopts a hedging strategy. This involves diversifying its trade, investment, security, and diplomatic relations with both nations in a rational manner. The objective is to reduce its reliance on a single country, particularly India. In fact, due to economic starvation, Bangladesh seeks appropriate working relationships with China and India, the two rising powers having a great influence in the South Asian region.","PeriodicalId":173238,"journal":{"name":"Jadavpur Journal of International Relations","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139266880","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Economic Logic of Strongmen Politics","authors":"Survesh Pratap Singh","doi":"10.1177/09735984231207714","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09735984231207714","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":173238,"journal":{"name":"Jadavpur Journal of International Relations","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136381164","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"India–Zimbabwe Relations: Recalibrating the Failing Engagement","authors":"Fradreck Jockonia Mujuru, Ningthoujam Koiremba Singh","doi":"10.1177/09735984231188409","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09735984231188409","url":null,"abstract":"The India–Zimbabwe relations are rampant with obdurate omissions, commissions, misinformation, and proper attention, hence dismally productive. This investigation pins down the dismal relations to Zimbabwe’s economic quagmire, the inseparable China–Zimbabwe relations, Zimbabwe’s diplomatic isolation and the effects of sanctions enacted by the US and other Western countries. With both primary and secondary sources, an interpretive approach is used to generate and analyse data. The study outlines prospects that can recalibrate India–Zimbabwe relations, especially in the new dispensation era of Zimbabwe after Mugabe. The possibilities include leveraging the available business opportunities, energy and mineral resources, security, regional cooperation and conflict management, knowledge exchange, institutional building, and social cohesion.","PeriodicalId":173238,"journal":{"name":"Jadavpur Journal of International Relations","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135729890","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Three Decades of Look East Policy and India’s Northeast Region","authors":"M. Amarjeet Singh, None Yihingle","doi":"10.1177/09735984231188410","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09735984231188410","url":null,"abstract":"India has been trying to enhance overland trade and the movement of people between South and Southeast Asia through its northeast region, as well as Myanmar and Bangladesh. To materialize this, the Look East policy has been giving due emphasis on developing strategic roads and logistic facilities in the northeast region. Myanmar and Bangladesh are also crucial to achieve the twin objectives, and hence India is supporting the development of transport infrastructure. Three decades later the outcome of the policy is merely limited to the upgradation of strategic roads that are thought to have regional importance and the putting in place the modern logistical facilities at several border towns. Interestingly, the states of the region that share a border with Bangladesh are going to reap the benefit of the policy sooner as compared to the states sharing a border with Myanmar.","PeriodicalId":173238,"journal":{"name":"Jadavpur Journal of International Relations","volume":"20 5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136032914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Understanding Sub-State’s Agency in Regionalism: The Case of Yunnan in Bangladesh–China–India–Myanmar Initiative","authors":"Naina Singh","doi":"10.1177/09735984231190116","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09735984231190116","url":null,"abstract":"Regionalism constitutes an essential unit to understanding the nature and evolution of multi-actor-dominated contemporary international relations. The ‘subnational turn’ in the regional interactions recognizes the rising role of sub-state actors such as provinces in the ‘construction’ and ‘performance’ of the ‘regionness’ to access the developmental benefits of regional and globalized capital. This paper further enriches this insight by focusing on the interaction of two components, that is, the sub-regionalism and the agency of sub-state units. It focuses on China’s Yunnan province outreach in the context of Bangladesh–China–India–Myanmar (BCIM) regionalization to critically reflect on the ‘transitioning’ agency of sub-state actors from imagining to implementing regionalism. Utilizing the analytical frameworks within paradiplomacy literature, the article emphasizes that sub-governments are substantive forces, ushering dynamic economic, political, and cultural international interactions. But, simultaneously, their power to invent and (re)define international standing is linked to larger scales of center and national. The sub-national lens on BCIM magnifies the opportunities and limitations at Yunnan’s disposal and identifies its agency as an ‘initiator’ and a ‘channel’ in the BCIM practice.","PeriodicalId":173238,"journal":{"name":"Jadavpur Journal of International Relations","volume":"51 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134975253","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Deradicalization of Repentant Boko Haram Militants: Institutional Dilemma Between the Victims and Villains in Northeast Nigeria","authors":"Adetayo Olamide Sowale, Ayodeji Anthony Aduloju","doi":"10.1177/09735984231184005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09735984231184005","url":null,"abstract":"Over the years, Boko Haram has taken the centre stage in Nigeria’s security concern and discourses as it consistently stands out on news headlines. After many years of counterinsurgency, Nigeria’s government realized the imperative of adopting a soft approach alongside military offensives to winning the war against insurgency. One soft approach is the institution of deradicalisation programme. Extant literature on the inadequacies of Nigeria’s deradicalisation plans, and methodologies is yet to be considered from institutional deficiency perspective as the programme is characterized by the difficulty of balancing the treatment of repentant Boko Haram militants and ameliorating the conditions of insurgency victims. Taking a cue from selected countries, the study examines the prospects of Nigeria’s deradicalisation programme. The paper therefore concludes that Nigerian authorities progressively need to set up a well thought-out structure for successful deradicalisation and reintegration of surrendered Boko Haram militants while guaranteeing the safety of victims that would co-exist with the supposed ex-members of Boko Haram sect.","PeriodicalId":173238,"journal":{"name":"Jadavpur Journal of International Relations","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135899266","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"‘Sovereign Democracy’: Russian Response to Western Democracy Promotion in the Post-Soviet Space","authors":"Ayan Chatterjee","doi":"10.1177/09735984231179257","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09735984231179257","url":null,"abstract":"Russia became apprehensive after the outbreak of Colour Revolutions in three former Soviet republics. Post-revolution, Russia’s foreign policy in general and its outlook toward the West in particular transformed significantly. Russian response to Western democracy promotion became more pronounced. Against this backdrop, the concept of Sovereign Democracy has to be understood. It aims to not only defend the Russian regime from Western meddling but also undertake a vigorous international campaign to assert its great power status. This article deals with the meaning and rationale of Sovereign Democracy as a response to Western democracy promotion in a nuanced way. The study attempts to deal with the following research questions: How does Russia perceive and react to Colour Revolutions? How Sovereign Democracy enables Russia to restructure its foreign policy to challenge the Western democracy-promotion agenda in the post-Soviet space? How do the political institutions and historical narratives of anti-Westernism allow Russia to respond to Colour Revolutions? Lastly, whether Putin is able to reshape public opinion in Russia not only in favor of having an alternative model of democracy against the dominant Western one but also a favorable public opinion to justify Russian actions in Georgia, Ukraine, and Syria.","PeriodicalId":173238,"journal":{"name":"Jadavpur Journal of International Relations","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131708863","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Analyzing Prospects and Implications of CPEC on Baloch Imbroglio in Pakistan","authors":"Manjit Kaur, G. S. Malhi","doi":"10.1177/09735984231161728","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09735984231161728","url":null,"abstract":"Baloch struggle is a long-drawn battle against the state of Pakistan and its mighty security establishment that has rather intensified by each passing day. The heightened ethnic consciousness and resolve to defend their homeland from the ‘outsiders’ have got a fillip with China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The province of Balochistan has assumed strategic significance due to its location and natural resources. With the presence of China in the province, woes of Baloch nationalists have further grown. Pakistan will not let its control loose over the province and deepening ties with Beijing is reassuring for her. CPEC has increased existential difficulties for the Baloch people. In this context, the present article attempts to analyze the Baloch imbroglio as a struggle of the people of the province to protect their rights against the exploitation by the federal government in collaboration with a country which itself is rated as poor in terms of upholding human rights. It highlights the prospects of CPEC and its impact on the ongoing Baloch ethnic nationalism.","PeriodicalId":173238,"journal":{"name":"Jadavpur Journal of International Relations","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117061597","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"India’s Role in the Indian Ocean Region and Its Links to the Indo-Pacific","authors":"Anirban Sen","doi":"10.1177/09735984231164457","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09735984231164457","url":null,"abstract":"The main goal of this article will be to show how India’s role in the Indian Ocean region has changed over time and how it is linked to the wider Indo-Pacific region. In the beginning, the importance of the Indian Ocean to India’s overall naval security on a historical basis is pointed out. It is shown that Indian Ocean was the main conduit for carrying out trade with the subcontinent and also for the creation of the British Raj even though it did not receive the same attention from the land-based Indian states. Following this, the article moves on to how following its independence in 1947 India slowly started to realize the importance of the Indian Ocean and later on the wider Indo-Pacific to its national security. Step by step it is shown how India’s maritime policy has evolved over the years. In this respect, the importance of the decade of the 1990s is highlighted when India began to open up not only economically but in all other ways as well. The role of the United States in India’s naval expansion is also explained in detail during both the Obama and the Trump administrations. Here specifically the article focuses on the ‘pivot to Asia’ strategy of the Obama administration and how it impacted India. After this it is described how President Trump further pushed India to take a more active stance in the Indo-Pacific region. Next, the Indo-Pacific policy of the present Modi government is studied along with a detailed analysis of the ‘extended neighborhood’ concept in India’s Indo-Pacific policy. India’s relation with the island nations of the Indo-Pacific is scrutinized in a separate section. India’s role in the QUAD forum is also properly discussed. Finally, India’s involvement in the three main multilateral initiatives in the Indo-Pacific is laid out before coming to the concluding section.","PeriodicalId":173238,"journal":{"name":"Jadavpur Journal of International Relations","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122313426","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Brazil’s Emergence in the United States’ ‘Backyard’: Domestic Leadership and Systemic Status","authors":"Hoimi Mukherjee","doi":"10.1177/09735984231161723","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/09735984231161723","url":null,"abstract":"This article studies Brazil’s emerging power status crisis due to policy shifts under President Jair Bolsonaro. In addition to studying the material bases, diplomatic relations and perceptions that shape emerging power status, this article also addresses how political elites shape such status. While the crisis of status is explained through domestic political and economic instabilities, this article points to the role of the United States in fomenting such instabilities. The US–Brazil bilateral relations between 2003 and 2022 are analysed through realist and power transition theory to outline the systemic dynamics of Great Power and Emerging Power interactions. Narratives of Brazil’s emergence were premised on steady economic growth, regional preponderance, and formulation of a globalist foreign policy under former President Lula. There were divergences of interests between Lula’s globalist foreign policy and the US interests in Latin America. Recent disclosures show that Lula was controversially arrested due to US interference in his trial in 2018 while he was favored to win the Presidential election. Bolsonaro secured the victory and initiated sharp policy shifts, aligning closely with the US. Bolsonaro’s policies consolidated an expansive American presence in South America, reducing Brazilian leadership roles and creating a crisis in status. This article contextualizes American interference in Brazil’s domestic politics and the erosion of status by examining the role played by individuals in impacting systemic status.","PeriodicalId":173238,"journal":{"name":"Jadavpur Journal of International Relations","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130335109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}