Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)最新文献

{"title":"Landasan Sikap Oposisi Front Pembela Islam (FPI) Terhadap Pemerintahan Joko Widodo Tahun 2014-2020","authors":"Reni Rentika Waty","doi":"10.15408/jisi.v2i2.22726","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15408/jisi.v2i2.22726","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. FPI (Islamic Defenders Front) is a mass organization that has consistently became the opposition since the reformation. However, during the Joko Widodo’s (Jokowi) reign, the opposition stance of FPI was more dominant. By the though of Habib Rizieq Syihab as founder of FPI about democracy, as well as utilizing qualitative methods, this study aims to analyze the reasons of FPI's positioning as an opposition to the Jokowi government. This study finds there are two factors that become the basis of FPI's opposition namely ideological and political. Ideologically, FPI’s opposition is caused by what is believe as  democrazy system, economic democrazy and legal democracy that occurred in Indonesia. In addition, the political factor is caused background was caused by various conflicts between FPI and the Jokowi government, namely the criminalization of ulama, the polemic of HRS's return to Indonesia, the shooting of the FPI Laskar, the disbandment of the FPI and the arrest of FPI members.Keywords: FPI, democrazy, opposition, Jokowi’s government.Abstrak. FPI (Front Pembela Islam) merupakan organisasi kemasyarakatan yang secara konsisten menempatkan diri sebagai oposisi sejak reformasi. Namun, pada masa pemerintahan Joko Widodo (Jokowi) sikap oposisi FPI lebih dominan dibandingkan dengan masa pemerintahan sebelumnya. Dengan landasan berpikir Habib Rizieq Syihab selaku pendiri FPI terkait demokrasi, serta metode kualitatif, penelitian ini ingin melihat alasan FPI memposisikan diri sebagai oposisi terhadap pemerintahan Jokowi. Hasil penelitian ini memperlihatkan bahwa landasan sikap oposisi FPI dibedakan menjadi dua latar belakang, yakni ideologis dan politis. Secara ideologis, sikap oposisi FPI disebabkan oleh democrazy sistem, democrazy ekonomi dan democrazy hukum yang terjadi di Indonesia. Kemudian, latar belakang politis diakibatkan oleh berbagai konflik antara FPI dengan pemerintahan Jokowi, yaitu kriminalisasi ulama, polemik kepulangan HRS ke Indonesia, penembakan Laskar FPI, pembubaran FPI dan penangkapan anggota FPI.Kata Kunci: FPI, demokrasi, oposisi, pemerintahan Jokowi.","PeriodicalId":170402,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123482973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Konsistensi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera di Luar Pemerintahan Joko Widodo pada Periode 2014-2019 dan 2019-2024","authors":"Sarah Soraya","doi":"10.15408/jisi.v2i2.24955","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15408/jisi.v2i2.24955","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. In 2019 Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) chose to be in another carriage of opposition, although other major parties tried to make friends with the government. Referring to the vote in the 2014-2019 elections, the number of PKS voters increased sharply by 36% to a difference of 3,013,459 votes, from 2019 to 2014. Therefore, this article will examine what factors made the Prosperous Justice Party choose to remain in opposition during the two periods of Joko Widodo's leadership as well as the impacts obtained both internally and governmently. This research uses qualitative method. The results showed that when compared to most other parties that voted to join the coalition, they chose to be consistent. This was done to attract new voters. On the other hand, they are is trying to defend its base of voters. The opposition is doing it in the legislative sector while still providing constructive inputs. The impact of the decision is to get a positive response with the increase in votes and flexibility in expressing opinions in parliament. Keywords: Opposition, PKS, political parties, base voters, vote increase. Abstrak. Pada tahun 2019 PKS memilih untuk berada di gerbong lain yaitu oposisi, meskipun partai besar yang lain beramai-ramai berusaha untuk berkawan dengan pemerintah. Mengacu pada perolehan suara pada pemilu 2014-2019, jumlah pemilih PKS mengalami kenaikan yang cukup tajam sebanyak 36%. Sehubungan dengan itu artikel ini akan mengkaji faktor yang membuat PKS memilih beroposisi selama dua periode Joko Widodo serta dampak yang didapatkan baik internal maupun pemerintah. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa jika dibandingkan dengan kebanyakan partai lain yang memilih untuk bergabung dengan koalisi, PKS memilih untuk konsisten. Hal tersebut dilakukan untuk menarik minat pemilih baru, sekaligus berusaha mempertahankan para base voters. Oposisi dilakukan dalam sektor legislatif dengan tetap memberikan masukan-masukan konstruktif. Dampak dari keputusan beroposi yaitu mendapatkan respon positif dengan adanya kenaikan suara dan keleluasaan berpendapat dalam parlemen.Kata Kunci: Oposisi, PKS, partai politik, base voters, kenaikan suara.","PeriodicalId":170402,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130734916","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Turkey’s Open-Door Policy for Syrian Regugees: Humanity Motive and Political Motive","authors":"Muhammad Dary Suryantama","doi":"10.15408/jisi.v2i2.24927","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15408/jisi.v2i2.24927","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. This article aims to analyse The Turkey Open-Door Policy for Syrian Refugees on two motives namely humanity and political. This policy has been done since the conflict in Syria escalated and that ‘forces’ Turkey to do the Open-Doors Policy. Many stated that the motive of this policy is driven by religion motive, which is Islam, and geographical factor between both countries. But in practice it seems not enough to explain a whole Turkey’s action on implementing the Open-Door Policy. Probably there are other motives that have driven Turkey to receive the Syrian Refugees but we can say that if Turkey has implemented the Open-Door Policy, it means Turkey is ready to take care of Syrian Refugees with its economic resource and land space. This article analyses three problem formulations: what is turkey’s humanity and political motive in Open-Door policy, how Turkey treat Syrian Refugees considering that Turkey is also at war with the Syrian Kurds? what the advantage and disadvantage faced by Turkey in doing the Open-Door policy? This article used qualitative & descriptive methods and it used secondary data obtained from several journals and books. The conclusion stated Turkey has a limit to received Syrian Refugees even the President of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan had admitted it. And there is a political motive besides humanity motive behind the policy. The condition of refugees not very well in the refugee shelter. If every side wants to end the flow of refugee, therefore every sides should help Syria end Its terrible conflict. Keywords: Syrian Refugees, Turkey, Open-Door Policy, humanity motive, political motive. Abstrak. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis kebijakan Pintu-Terbuka Turki untuk pengungsi Suriah pada dua motif yaitu kemanusiaan dan politis. Kebijakan ini telah dilakukan sejak konflik di Suriah meningkat dan itu ‘memaksa’ Turki untuk melakukan kebijakan Pintu-Terbuka. Banyak yang menyatakan bahwa motif kebijakan ini didorong oleh motif agama, yakni Islam, and faktor geografi antara kedua negara. Namun secara praktis sepertinya itu tidak cukup untuk menjelaskan seluruh perilaku Turki pada implementasi kebijakan Pintu-Terbuka. Mungkin ada motif lain yang mendorong Turki untuk menerima pengungsi Suriah tetapi dapat kita katakan jika Turki Telah mengimplementasikan kebijakan Pintu-Terbuka, itu artinya Turki siap untuk menjaga pengungsi Suriah dengan sumber daya ekonomi dan wilayahnya. Artikel ini menganalisis tiga rumusan masalah: apa motif kemanusiaan dan politis pada kebijakan Pintu-Terbuka? bagaimana Turki memperlakukan pengungsi Suriah mempertimbangkan bahwa Turki juga dalam perang dengan Kurdi Suriah? apa keuntungan dan kerugian yang dihadapi Turki dalam melakukan kebijakan Pintu-Terbuka?. Artikel ini menggunakan metode kualitatif & deskriptif dan menggunakan data sekunder yang diperoleh dari berbagai jurnal dan buku. Kesimpulan menyatakan bahwa Turki memiliki batasan untuk menerima pengungsi Suriah bahkan Presiden Turk","PeriodicalId":170402,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115539815","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Keunggulan Petahana dan Posisi Nomor Urut atas di Dapil Banten Tahun 2019","authors":"Indra Surya Ramadhan","doi":"10.15408/jisi.v2i2.22950","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15408/jisi.v2i2.22950","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. Incumbency status, position number on the ballots, and information dissemination level are indicators of voters' evaluation ability. This article will test the correlations of seat winnings, incumbency status, and candidate's position number on the ballot to explain the voters' evaluation ability in the 2019 Banten Province general election. The test results found that the incumbent status and the position number on the ballot correlate to the winning of seats. The results of the analysis show that incumbents have a greater chance of winning a seat than non-incumbents. It also shows that if the candidates have a position number on the ballot close to the first number, the vote gain is higher and vice versa. This article argues that incumbents and well-positioned candidates would win due to the limited ability of voters to evaluate all candidates and moderated by the lack of information on legislative candidates.Keywords: Incumbency Advantages, Ballot Position Effect, Voter Evaluation Ability, Seat Winnings.Abstrak. Kemenangan petahana Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat (DPR) dan calon DPR yang memiliki posisi nomor urut atas, serta kondisi persebaran informasi pemilihan legislatif yang rendah memungkinkan indikasi lemahnya kemampuan evaluasi para pemilih. Artikel ini menguji secara bivariat hubungan antara variabel kemenangan kursi dengan variabel status petahana dan posisi nomor urut dalam kertas suara calon-calon DPR di pemilihan umum Provinsi Banten tahun 2019 untuk menjelaskan kemampuan evaluasi pemilih. Hasil uji menemukan status petahana dan posisi nomor urut dalam kertas suara calon legislatif berhubungan dengan kemenangan kursi. Hasil analisis menunjukan petahana berpeluang lebih besar untuk memenangkan kursi daripada non- petahana. Hasil analisis juga menunjukan semakin calon legislatif mendekati posisi nomor urut atas, semakin tinggi perolehan suaranya dan sebaliknya. Artikel ini berargumen terjadinya kecenderungan kemenangan petahana dan calon yang memiliki posisi nomor urut atas karena keterbatasan kemampuan evaluasi pemilih yang minim informasi calon-calon legislatif.Kata Kunci: Keunggulan Petahana, Posisi Nomor Urut Atas, Kemampuan Evaluasi Pemilih, Kemenangan Kursi DPR.","PeriodicalId":170402,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134093550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Potensi Kerjasama Ekonomi dan Keamanan India–Afghanistan Paska Kemenangan Taliban Tahun 2021","authors":"Ida Susilowati, M. Fauzi, Regga Fajar Hidayat, Thoriq Nabeel","doi":"10.15408/jisi.v2i2.24956","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15408/jisi.v2i2.24956","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. The internal conflict between the Afghan government and the Taliban has been going on for a long time, and in mid-August 2021 the Taliban succeeded in taking over the Afghan government in Kabul. Various countries began to respond to the event, especially countries that have established diplomatic, economic and military cooperation with Afghanistan, including India. This article aims to analyze the potential for bilateral cooperation in the economic and security fields between India and Afghanistan, especially after the Taliban's success in occupying Kabul and announcing the Afghan government under the Taliban. Qualitative research with descriptive analytical methods is applied in this research, based on data sources obtained through literature study techniques. This research shows that India has the potential to take a policy to continue to cooperate with Afghanistan in the economic and security fields. This due to India's national interest in Afghanistan such as controlling Afghanistan's mineral resources and realizing India as a regional power in the South Asian region. Keywords: National Interest, Bilateral Cooperation, India, Afghanistan, Taliban. Abstrak. Konflik internal antara pemerintah Afganistan dan Taliban telah berlangsung sejak lama, dan di pertengahan bulan Agustus 2021 Taliban berhasil mengambil alih pemerintahan Afghanistan di Kabul. Berbagai negara mulai merespon peristiwa tersebut, terutama negara-negara yang menjalin kerjasama diplomatik, ekonomi dan militer dengan Afghanistan tidak terkecuali India. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis potensi kerjasama bilateral di bidang ekonomi dan keamanan antara India dengan Afganistan, terutama paska keberhasilan Taliban menduduki Kabul dan mengumumkan pemerintahan Afghanistan dibawah Taliban. Penelitian kualitatif dengan metode deskriptif analitis diterapkan dalam penelitian ini, berdasarkan sumber-sumber data yang diperoleh melalui teknik studi pustaka. Penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa India berpotensi mengambil kebijakan untuk tetap bekerjasama dengan Afghanistan di bidang ekonomi dan keamanan. Hal tersebut tidak terlepas dari kepentingan nasional India terhadap Afghanistan seperti menguasai sumber daya mineral Afganistan dan mewujudkan India sebagai regional power di kawasan Asia Selatan.Kata Kunci: Kepentingan Nasional, Kerjasama Bilateral, India, Afghanistan, Taliban.","PeriodicalId":170402,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133392737","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Gelombang Ideologi Islam Transnasional dalam Sekolah Islam Terpadu","authors":"Herianda Dwi Putra Siregar","doi":"10.15408/jisi.v2i1.24892","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15408/jisi.v2i1.24892","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. The development of Integrated Islamic schools is in line with the increasing symptoms of religious conservatism whose roots can be found from tarbiyah movements on public campuses, such as UGM, UI, ITB. In general, Integrated Islamic individuals or groups present themselves with an Islamic identity by returning to \"authentic Islam\", as practiced by the salaf ash-shalih. Unfortunately, the concept of authenticity differs from one group to another. This article concludes that the Integrated Islamic School is not only aimed at transmitting Islamic teachings, but also as an effort to encourage people to be more Islamic.Keywords: Transnational Islam, Integrated Islamic Schools, PKS and Urban Communities.Abstrak. Perkembangan sekolah Islam Terpadu seiring dengan meningkatnya gejala konservatisme keagamaan yang akar-akarnya dapat ditemukan dari gerakan-gerakan tarbiyah di kampus-kampus umum, seperti UGM, UI, ITB. Secara umum, Individu atau kelompok Islam Terpadu menampilkan diri dengan identitas ke-Islaman dengan kembali pada “Islam autentik”, sebagaimana yang dipraktikkan oleh salaf ash-shalih. Sayangnya konsepsi tentang ke-autentikan mempunyai perbedaan antara satu kelompok dengan kelompok yang lain. Artikel ini menyimpulan bahwa Sekolah Islam Terpadu bukan hanya bertujuan untuk mentransmisikan ajaran-ajaran Islam semata, namun juga sebagai upaya untuk mendorong masyarakat untuk lebih Islami.Kata Kunci: Islam Transnasional, Sekolah Islam Terpadu, PKS dan Masyarakat Urban.","PeriodicalId":170402,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127453207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Kepentingan Denmark dalam Pemberian Bantuan Lingkungan terhadap Indonesia Melalui Environmental Support Programme Phase III (ESP3)","authors":"K. Dewi","doi":"10.15408/jisi.v2i1.23042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15408/jisi.v2i1.23042","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. Based on the Climate Change Performance Index of the Climate Action Network Europe 2015 Denmark is the most climate-friendly country in the world. As a country that cares so much about the environment, Denmark provides a lot of assistance or support to other countries for environmental preservation programs, including Indonesia. The Danish Environmental Support Program (ESP) has spent a lot of money on Indonesia. However, with insignificant progress, Denmark still continued to provide assistance as far as 3 phases. The first phase was in 2005-2007, the second phase was in 2008-2012 and the last was the third phase in 2013-2018. This raises the question “What are Denmark's national interest behind providing assistance under ESP3?”. The methodology of this research is descriptive analysis using the theory of Neorealism and the concept of the National Interest. This article concludes that Denmark has 3 national interests in this regard. Namely ideological interests, economic interests and world order interests.Keywords: Environmental Support Program Phase III (ESP3), National Interest, Denmark, Indonesia. Abstrak. Berdasarkan Climate Change Performance Index of the Climate Action Network Europe 2015 Denmark merupakan Negara paling climate-friendly di dunia. Sebagai Negara yang begitu perduli akan lingkungan Denmark banyak memberikan bantuan atau support kepada Negara lain untuk program penjagaan linkungan, termasuk Indonesia. Pada Environmental Support Programme (ESP) Denmark mengeluarkan biaya yang tidak sedikit untuk Indonesia. Namun dengan kemajuan yang tidak signifikan Denmark masih tetap melanjutkan pemberian bantuan ini hingga 3 fase. Fase pertama tahun 2005-2007, fase kedua tahun 2008-2012 dan terakhir fase ketiga tahun 2013-2018. Hal ini menimbulkan pertanyaan “Apa sebenarnya kepentingan nasional Denmark dibalik pemberian bantuan dalam ESP3?”. Metodologi penelitian kali ini adalah deskriptif analisis dengan menggunakan teori Neorealisme dan Konsep Kepentingan Nasional. Artikel ini menyimpulkan bahwa ada 3 kepentingan nasional Denmark dalam hal ini. Yaitu kepentingan ideologi, kepentingan ekonomi dan kepentingan tata internasional.Kata Kunci: Environmental Support Programme Phase III (ESP3), Kepentingan Nasional, Denmark, Indonesia.","PeriodicalId":170402,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)","volume":"62 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129557104","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Gerakan Koalisi Masyarakat Sipil Antikorupsi dalam Menolak Agenda Revisi Undang-undang Nomor 30 Tahun 2002 Tentang Komisi Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Korupsi Tahun 2019","authors":"Mohammad Ezha Fachriza Roshady","doi":"10.15408/jisi.v2i1.22952","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15408/jisi.v2i1.22952","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. This study analyzed the contributing factors to the failure of the anticorruption civil society coalition movement in rejecting the revision agenda of Law No. 30 of 2002 concerning the Commission for the Eradication of Corruption (KPK Law) in 2019. This study combines Dough McAdam social movement theory (2004) consisting of three approaches, namely the approach of political opportunity structure, the theory of mobilization of resources, the theory of framing process with the framework of explanation of success and inhibiting factors of social movements from David A. Locher (2002). The research method used is qualitative with the primary data source of interview and secondary data processing. This research shows that social movements conducted by the anticorruption civil society coalition are quite difficult until in the end the movement does not succeed in achieving the movement's objectives, because the revision of the KPK Law was successfully passed by the DPR on September 17, 2019. The factors that led to the failure of the anticorruption civil society coalition movement were classified into two, namely external and internal factors of the movement. External factors identified from the findings of this research are also differentiating from previous years that the structure of political opportunity had a major contribution in the failure of social movements conducted by the coalition. It was indicated by various indicators, namely the momentum of agreement between the House of Representatives and the Government; relative unity of all legislatures; The House of Representatives accelerated the process of legislation; and political structures that close the movement's opportunities. Internally, there are resource problems identified; dissocies of community opinion; weaknesses in refuting framing; and less able to convince policymakers. External factors are the dominant cause of the failure of the anticorruption civil society coalition movement to reject the revision of the KPK Law. Keywords: MDGs, Poverty, Hunger, Poverty Reduction. Abstrak. Artikel ini menganalisis faktor penyebab gagalnya gerakan koalisi masyarakat sipil antikorupsi dalam menolak agenda revisi Undang-Undang Nomor 30 Tahun 2002 Tentang Komisi Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Korupsi (UU KPK) pada tahun 2019. Penelitian ini menggabungkan teori gerakan sosial Dough McAdam (2004) yang terdiri dari tiga pendekatan yaitu pendekatan struktur kesempatan politik, teori mobilisasi sumber daya, teori proses pembingkaian dengan kerangka penjelasan faktor keberhasilan dan penghambat gerakan sosial dari David A. Locher (2002). Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dengan sumber data primer dari wawancara dan pengolahan data sekunder. Penelitian ini menunjukkan gerakan sosial yang dilakukan oleh koalisi masyarakat sipil antikorupsi cukup sulit hingga pada akhirnya gerakan tersebut tidak berhasil mencapai tujuan gerakan, karena revisi UU KPK berhasil disahkan oleh DPR pada 17","PeriodicalId":170402,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124512014","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Islamic Populism and Political Parties: PPP Electoral Failure in the Middle of the Islamic Populism Movement in the 2019 Election","authors":"Rexsy Pangestu, Rusydan Fathy","doi":"10.15408/jisi.v2i1.24886","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15408/jisi.v2i1.24886","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. This study discusses the decline in the vote acquisition of Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) in the midst of the Islamic populism movement in the 2019 Election. As an Islamic party, this momentum should be a turning point for PPP to become a party that listens to the aspirations or interests of Muslims, as one of the task of political parties in a democratic country is as an aggregation of interests. This study uses qualitative research methods with primary data from interviews and secondary data from library studies. Based on the reading of these data, it can be seen that the failure of PPP to gain vote incentives from the Islamic populism movement in the 2019 elections is; first, the failure to create a good institutional system. This poor institutionalization is reflected in the PPP's internal conflicts. Second, there is a split in the political orientation of Indonesian Muslims in conservatism and moderatism which is clearly depicted in the 2019 election. Third, there is a change in the political orientation of the Indonesian Islamic community which places religion not as the only foothold in their political choices. People choose political parties not based on who is the most Islamic, pious, or representing the aspirations of Muslims, but based on the performance and work programs offered by the party. Keywords: PPP, Islamic Populism, 2019 Election, Party Institutionalization. Abstrak. Penelitian ini membahas perihal panurunan perolehan suara Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) di tengah gerakan populisme Islam pada Pemilu 2019. Harusnya sebagai partai Islam momentum ini adalah titik balik bagi PPP untuk bisa menjadi partai yang mendengar aspirasi atau kepentingan umat Islam, sebagaimana salah satu tugas partai politik dalam negara demokrasi yakni sebagai agregasi kepentingan. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan data primer dari hasil wawancara dan data sekunder dari hasil kajian Pustaka. Berdasarkan pembacaan terhadap data-data tersebut terlihat bahwa kegagalan PPP meraih insentif suara dari gerakan populisme Islam pada Pemilu 2019 adalah; pertama, kegagalan menciptakan sistem kelembagaan yang baik. Kelembagaan yang tidak baik ini tergambar dari konflik internal PPP. Kedua, adanya keterbelahan orientasi politik umat Islam Indonesia dalam konservatisme dan moderatisme yang tergambar kuat dalam Pemilu 2019. Ketiga, adanya perubahan orientasi politik masyarakat Islam Indonesia yang menempatkan agama bukan sebagai pijakan satu-satunya dalam pilihan politiknya. Masyarakat memilih partai politik bukan berdasarkan siapa yang paling Islam, salih, atau mewakili aspirasi umat Islam, namun berdasarkan kinerja dan program kerja yang ditawarkan partai.Kata Kunci: PPP, Populisme Islam, Pemilu 2019, Pelembagaan Partai Politik.","PeriodicalId":170402,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)","volume":"234 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121410272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Prinsip Syari’ah dalam Manajemen Hotel","authors":"Aufa Saffanah Fitri Sholeh, Maulana Dwi Kurniasih","doi":"10.15408/jisi.v2i1.24898","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15408/jisi.v2i1.24898","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. This article discusses sharia principles in hotel management which includes products, services and management according to the DSN MUI Fatwa NO. 108/DSN-MUI/X/2016. The results showed that the application of sharia principles at the Bayt Kaboki Hotel was in accordance with the DSN MUI Fatwa. However, there are several aspects that need to be improved regarding the provisions of sharia hotels, such as the period of halal food and beverage certification at the Bayt Kaboki Hotel restaurant which has expired. In addition, Bayt Kaboki Hotel does not yet have a hotel service guide that is in accordance with sharia principles, and has not used the services of a Sharia Financial Institution in providing services in hotel management. The provisions regarding the mandatory use of sharia banking at the Bayt Kaboki Hotel will be difficult to achieve and become a limitation because the hotel is located in the Bali area.Keywords: Sharia Principles, Sharia Hotels, Bali, Halal, Haram.Abstrak. Artikel ini membahas prinsip-prinsip syariah dalam manajemen hotel yang mencangkup produk, pelayanan dan pengelolaan menurut Fatwa DSN MUI NO. 108/DSN-MUI/X/2016. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa penerapan prinsip-prinsip syariah pada Bayt Kaboki Hotel telah sesuai dengan Fatwa DSN MUI tersebut. Namun demikian, ada beberapa aspek yang perlu diperbaiki terkait ketentuan hotel syariah, seperti masa sertifikasi halal makanan dan minuman pada restaurant Bayt Kaboki Hotel yang telah kadaluarsa (expired). Selain itu, Bayt Kaboki Hotel belum memiliki panduan pelayanan hotel yang sesuai dengan prinsip syariah, dan belum menggunakan jasa Lembaga Keuangan Syariah dalam melakukan pelayanan dalam manajemen hotel. Ketentuan terkait kewajiban penggunaan perbankan syariah pada Bayt Kaboki Hotel akan sulit dicapai dan menjadi keterbatasan karena hotel berdiri di wilayah Bali.Kata Kunci: Prinsip Syariah, Hotel Syariah, Bali, Halal, Haram.","PeriodicalId":170402,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124542373","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}