Journal of Biomedical Semantics最新文献_第9页

Cumulation Across Attitudes and Plural Projection 态度累积与多元投射

IF 1.9 3区工程技术

Journal of Biomedical Semantics Pub Date : 2020-11-13 DOI: 10.1093/jos/ffaa008

V. Schmitt

{"title":"Cumulation Across Attitudes and Plural Projection","authors":"V. Schmitt","doi":"10.1093/jos/ffaa008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jos/ffaa008","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates cumulative readings of sentences in which some, but not all of the plural expressions have a de dicto reading, i.e. sentences where the lower plural is interpreted in the scope of an attitude verb like believe. I argue that such cases represent a problem for existing accounts of cumulativity, because the required cumulative relation cannot be formed. I then motivate and propose an alternative analysis where all plural expressions are interpreted in situ: I expand the ‘plural projection’ framework put forth by Haslinger & Schmitt (2018, 2019), Schmitt (2019), where embedded pluralities ‘project’ to the denotations of higher nodes in the sense that the latter reflect the part-structure of the former and where cumulativity is derived via a compositional rule in a step-by-step fashion. I show that if the denotations of the plurals with the de dicto construal are analyzed as pluralities of individual concepts, which project in the afore-mentioned sense to pluralities of propositions, the data can be explained straightforwardly. This proposal differs from treatments in terms of collective belief that don’t appeal to pluralities of propositions ( Pasternak 2018a, b), in that it (i) arguably generalizes to a larger number of examples and (ii) links grammatical plurality in the embedded clause to the availability of cumulative readings.","PeriodicalId":15055,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Biomedical Semantics","volume":"53 1","pages":"557-609"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2020-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90679310","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"工程技术","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 4

A Realis Subjunctive in German 德语中的现实虚拟语气

IF 1.9 3区工程技术

Journal of Biomedical Semantics Pub Date : 2020-11-13 DOI: 10.1093/jos/ffz005

Eva Csipak

引用次数: 1

Deriving Dual Dimensions of Bias: Preposed Negation Questions with EVEN 偏差的双重维度的推导:带有偶数的预设否定问题

IF 1.9 3区工程技术

Journal of Biomedical Semantics Pub Date : 2020-10-22 DOI: 10.1093/JOS/FFAA010

Sunwoo Jeong

{"title":"Deriving Dual Dimensions of Bias: Preposed Negation Questions with EVEN","authors":"Sunwoo Jeong","doi":"10.1093/JOS/FFAA010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/JOS/FFAA010","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Polar interrogatives with preposed negation (e.g., Didn’t Cam help?) convey positive epistemic bias. Polar interrogatives with even-type expressions, including prosodically stressed NPIs and minimizer NPIs (e.g., Did Cam lift a finger to help?), convey negative epistemic bias and often have a rhetorical flavor. This paper examines hybrid PQ constructions with both preposed negations and even-type expressions (e.g., Didn’t Cam lift a finger to help?; henceforth even-PNQs). It first presents a series of experimental studies which reveal that even-PNQs are characterized by complex, dual dimensions of bias contributed compositionally by both the preposed negation on the one hand and the even-type expression on the other. It then explores the theoretical implications of these results. The emerging data are shown to impose certain constraints on and generate additional desiderata for both the analyses of preposed negation questions and the analyses of even-type questions. Building on this discussion, a compositional analysis of even-PNQs is proposed. The analysis supports the presence of inner vs. outer negation ambiguity in PNQs, and identifies even-PNQs as inner-negation PNQs. It also adopts an informativity-based approach to the meaning contribution of even, formulated around the settledness of alternative issues.","PeriodicalId":15055,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Biomedical Semantics","volume":"6 1","pages":"49-94"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2020-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78400733","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"工程技术","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 3

Domains of Polarity Items 极性项目的域

IF 1.9 3区工程技术

Journal of Biomedical Semantics Pub Date : 2020-10-19 DOI: 10.1093/jos/ffaa006

Vincent Homer

{"title":"Domains of Polarity Items","authors":"Vincent Homer","doi":"10.1093/jos/ffaa006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jos/ffaa006","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article offers a unified theory of the licensing of Negative and Positive Polarity Items (PIs), focusing on the acceptability conditions of PPIs of the some-type, and NPIs of the any-type. It argues that licensing has both a syntactic and a semantic component. On the syntactic side, the acceptability of PIs is checked in constituents; in fact, for any given PI, only some constituents, referred to as `domains', are eligible for the evaluation of that PI. The semantic dimension of licensing consists in the sensitivity of PIs to the monotonicity properties of the syntactic environments they find themselves in. Two pieces of evidence support the semantic dimension of what I call the ‘environment-based’ approach defended here: (i.) PIs are subject to flip-flop and (ii.) certain inferences affect their acceptability by modifying the monotonicity of their environment. A third property, called ‘entanglement’ and so far unnoticed, is described: the acceptability of PIs depends on the acceptability of other PIs in the same syntactic environment. The latter property is exploited to determine what semantic property some is sensitive to: it turns out that, contrary to the consensus among researchers, some is acceptable in the complement of the set of environments in which any is acceptable, and vice versa.","PeriodicalId":15055,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Biomedical Semantics","volume":"59 4","pages":"1-48"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2020-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1093/jos/ffaa006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72537153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"工程技术","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 10

Locations 位置

IF 1.9 3区工程技术

Journal of Biomedical Semantics Pub Date : 2020-08-25 DOI: 10.1093/jos/ffaa007

Susan Rothstein

引用次数: 0

Dependent Plurality and the Theory of Scalar Implicatures: Remarks on Zweig 2009 依赖复数与标量蕴涵理论:关于Zweig 2009的评论

IF 1.9 3区工程技术

Journal of Biomedical Semantics Pub Date : 2020-08-13 DOI: 10.1093/jos/ffaa004

N. Ivlieva

引用次数: 2

Multiplicity and Modifiers 多样性和修饰符

IF 1.9 3区工程技术

Journal of Biomedical Semantics Pub Date : 2020-08-13 DOI: 10.1093/jos/ffaa005

Jacopo Romoli, Agata Renans

{"title":"Multiplicity and Modifiers","authors":"Jacopo Romoli, Agata Renans","doi":"10.1093/jos/ffaa005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jos/ffaa005","url":null,"abstract":"A sentence with an adverbial modifier under negation like Mike didn’t wash the window with soap gives rise to an inference that Mike did wash the window. A sentence with a plural noun like Mike washed windows gives rise to a so-called ‘multiplicity’ inference that Mike washed multiple windows. In this note, we focus on the interaction between these two inferences in sentences containing both an adverbial modifier and a plural noun under negation, like Mike didn’t wash windows with soap. We observe that this sentence has a reading conveying that Mike didn’t wash any window with soap but that he did wash multiple windows (albeit not with soap). As we discuss, this reading is not predicted by any version of the implicature approach to the multiplicity inference, in combination with the implicature treatment of the inference of adverbial modifiers. We sketch two solutions for this problem. The first keeps the implicature approach to adverbial modifiers but adopts a non-implicature approach to multiplicity based on homogeneity. The second solution holds on to the implicature approach to the multiplicity inference but accounts for the inference of adverbial modifiers as a presupposition. In addition, it adopts the idea that presuppositions can be strengthened via implicatures, as proposed recently in the literature. Either way, the interaction between multiplicity and the inference of adverbial modifiers suggests that we cannot treat both as implicatures: if we want to treat either one as an implicature, we need to do something different for the other. We end by comparing the case above to analogous cases involving different scalar inferences and showing that the ambiguity approach to the multiplicity inference does not provide a solution to our problem.","PeriodicalId":15055,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Biomedical Semantics","volume":"48 1","pages":"455-474"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2020-08-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73018104","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"工程技术","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The Semantics of Evidentials in Questions 问题中证据的语义

IF 1.9 3区工程技术

Journal of Biomedical Semantics Pub Date : 2020-06-08 DOI: 10.1093/jos/ffaa003

Diti Bhadra

引用次数: 12

Definiteness, Uniqueness, and Maximality in Languages With and Without Articles 有冠词和无冠词语言的确定性、独特性和极大性

IF 1.9 3区工程技术

Journal of Biomedical Semantics Pub Date : 2020-05-30 DOI: 10.1093/jos/ffaa002

R. Šimík, Christoph Demian

引用次数: 17

Function Alternations of the Mandarin Particle Dou: Distributor, Free Choice Licensor, and 'Even' 汉语语料库的功能变化:分配者、自由选择许可者和“偶”

IF 1.9 3区工程技术

Journal of Biomedical Semantics Pub Date : 2020-05-07 DOI: 10.1093/jos/ffz018

Yimei Xiang

{"title":"Function Alternations of the Mandarin Particle Dou: Distributor, Free Choice Licensor, and 'Even'","authors":"Yimei Xiang","doi":"10.1093/jos/ffz018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jos/ffz018","url":null,"abstract":"Many languages have particles that possess multiple logical functions. Take the Mandarin particle dou for example. Varying by the item it is associated with and the prosodic pattern of the environment it appears in, dou can trigger a distributivity effect, license a preverbal free choice item, or evoke an even-like inference. Considering universal grammar a simple system, we need to figure out, for a multi-functional particle, which of its functions is primary, what parametric variations are responsible for the alternations in function, and how these variations are conditioned. In this paper, I argue that the seemingly unrelated functions of dou share the same source: dou is a pre-exhaustification exhaustifier operating on sub-alternatives. Uniformly, dou affirms the truth of its propositional prejacent, negates the exhaustification of each sub-alternative, and presupposes a non-vacuity inference that there is at least one sub-alternative. Alternations in function result from minimal weakening operations on the semantics of sub-alternatives. In particular, sub-alternatives are primarily weaker alternatives, and the non-vacuity presupposition of dou yields a distributivity effect. When the semantics of sub-alternatives is weakened under particular syntactic or prosodic conditions, dou gains its other logical functions.","PeriodicalId":15055,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Biomedical Semantics","volume":"430 1","pages":"171-217"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2020-05-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76762284","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"工程技术","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 21