The Western political quarterly最新文献

{"title":"Judicial decision making and biological fact: Roe v. Wade and the unresolved question of fetal viability.","authors":"R. Blank","doi":"10.2307/448475","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/448475","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"37 4 1","pages":"584-602"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1984-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/448475","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68765861","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Campaign Contributions and Legislative Voting: Milk Money and Dairy Price Supports","authors":"W. Welch","doi":"10.1177/106591298203500402","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591298203500402","url":null,"abstract":"-M W fANY MEMBERS of the press and the public apparently believe that interest groups \"buy\" influence by contributing to political campaigns. This belief has been cited as reason for Congress either publicly to finance congressional campaigns or to place a limit on the amount of monies that a candidate may receive from political action committees. In spite of this public discussion, few scholars have investigated systematically whether campaign contributions directly affect public policy or, more specifically, whether the likelihood that a legislator will vote for a bill favored by an interest group increases upon receiving a contribution from the group. Empirical research on legislative voting can be categorized into two groups. The first group of studies has investigated the relationship between dimensions of voting (e.g. composites of votes on several issues) and measures of general district opinion such as referendum results (Miller and Stokes, 1963; Erickson, 1978; Kuklinski, 1977, 1978; Kuklinski and McCrone, 1980; and Markus, 1974). The second group has focused on the relationship between a congressman's vote on specific bills and the opinions (or self-interest) of sections of his constituency (Bernstein and Anthony, 1974; Danielson and Rubin, 1977; Kau and Rubin, 1978, 1979; and Abrams, 1977). Opinion is usually measured by socioeconomic characteristics. To elaborate on Kuklinski's (1979) criticism, the presumption is that legislative voting is influenced by constituents' opinions but socioeconomic characteristics are no more than proxy variables for such opinions. Most of those used are poor proxies because a priori it is not clear which of many characteristics will predict voting and because the ability of a characteristic to predict voting presumably varies over issues. To be an adequate proxy, a socioeconomic characteristic must be sufficiently refined so that it is related to opinion on a specific bill. In the case of a vote on a specific piece of legislation, the size of a group for whom the issue is salient may be a convincing measure of its influence; and the more precisely the group is defined, the better the variable as a proxy. For instance, in this study dairy industry characteristics arguably are better measures of opinion on dairy price supports than general district characteristics such as percentage of the population which is rural. Furthermore, dairy industry characteristics presumably are poor measures of the relevant dimensions of district opinion on issues such as civil rights. For issues involving specific subgroups of votes, the relationship between a proxy variable and voting is not necessarily a black box. However, district level measures of","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"13 1","pages":"478 - 495"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1982-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86853668","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Party, Ideology, and the Lure of Victory: Iowa Activists in the 1980 Prenomination Campaign","authors":"W. Stone","doi":"10.1177/106591298203500405","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591298203500405","url":null,"abstract":"HE PRESIDENTIAL nomination process in the United States underwent a decade of reform prior to the 1980 presidential election. JL Increased numbers of primaries, reforms of the caucus and convention rules, and extensive media coverage of nomination fights tended to draw into the process large numbers of participants who otherwise would not have been involved. Many analysts have suggested that the reforms have also","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"7 1","pages":"527 - 538"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1982-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74615706","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Book Reviews : Neighborhoods and Urban Development. By ANTHONY DOWNS. (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1981. Pp. 189. $22.95, $8.95 paper.) Representation and Urban Community. By ANDREW D. GLASSBERG. (London: Macmillan Press, 1981. Pp. 232. $19.50.)","authors":"Sherman Lewis","doi":"10.1177/106591298203500412","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591298203500412","url":null,"abstract":"rather than in the military or economic considerations that sometimes motivate or justify arms sales. Accordingly, he gives detailed attention to the principal nations selling and buying arms and discusses the issue from a wide variety of individual national perspectives. What emerges from this presentation is a potentially very confusing story in which conventional arms transfers are related to East-West competition, to regional security concerns, to nonproliferation objectives, and to the demands of emerging nations for local and international prestige. Pierre puts all of these specific national policy considerations into a global perspective by beginning with a description of the dilemmas faced by all policymakers in any decision to buy or sell arms, and by concluding with a number of","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"64 1","pages":"614 - 617"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1982-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84585981","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Social Mobilization, Military Tradition and Current Patterns of Civil-Military Relations in Latin America: Testing Putnam's Major Conclusions","authors":"J. Ruhl","doi":"10.1177/106591298203500408","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591298203500408","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"17 1","pages":"574 - 586"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1982-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82448900","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Policy Differences Between Voters and Non-Voters in American Elections","authors":"Stephen D. Shaffer","doi":"10.1177/106591298203500403","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591298203500403","url":null,"abstract":"AN IMPORTANT concern in any polity is the extent to which citizens have a voice in public affairs. In representative democracies like America citizens have the opportunity to vote in free elections for public officials whom they most prefer for policy or other reasons. Yet many Americans do not exert the required initiative to register to vote. Barely half of the voting age population voted in the 1980 presidential election, and turnout for less important offices is even lower. Many have expressed the concern that certain types of individuals with specific policy preferences are less likely to vote, and that this may translate into the election of officials and the implementation of policies disapproved by these citizens or adverse to their interests. Pomper (1980: 179-205) after examining the history of race relations in the South especially argues that inability or failure to exercise the franchise can significantly harm the civil liberties and economic welfare of the uninvolved. Key (1961: 186) observes that the opinions of non-voters may have slight weight in the political process. Other studies also conclude that more politically active citizens influence public policy to be more consistent with their own policy preferences, which differ from the preferences of the inactive (Verba and Nie, 1972: 308). In this paper I examine the extent to which there are policy differences between voters and non-voters in presidential and midterm election years over a twenty-eight year time span.","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"33 1","pages":"496 - 510"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1982-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79035697","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Breakdown of Authoritarian Regimes","authors":"Robert H. Dix","doi":"10.1177/106591298203500407","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591298203500407","url":null,"abstract":"5Y rEARS of scholarly concern with the conditions of democracy have been followed rather belatedly by recent attention on the part of students of comparative politics to the clearly related, though hardly identical, question of the breakdown of democratic regimes. Similarly, most students of military governments, and of authoritarian regimes generally, have been far more interested in the reasons for military intervention in politics than in the causes or process of the demise of authoritarianism. Only lately has this begun to change. In recent years, for example, there have been a spate of scholarly analyses of Latin America's latest version of authoritarianism, the bureaucratic-authoritarian (B-A) regime.2 In the earlier writings concerning such regimes it was often at least implicitly treated as the new paradigm of Latin America's political future, following upon those earlier, failed paradigms of democracy and socialist revolution. That is, B-A regimes were presumed to be both the wave of the future and a semi-permanent condition, related as they were to Latin America's situation of international dependency and the supposed end of the import-substitution phase of economic development. More recent scholarship, however, has begun to question or qualify some of those formulations and to address such questions as the weaknesses and vulnerabilities of such regimes, as well as the causes and conditions of their possible demise.3 Nonetheless, there still has been remarkably little comparative attention paid to how and why authoritarian governments break down4 (apart, that is, from studies of certain particular cases). Can some general patterns be dis-","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"11 1","pages":"554 - 573"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1982-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90228787","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Major Power Interstate Conflict in the Post-World War II Era: an Increase, a Decrease, or No Change?","authors":"Richard Stoll","doi":"10.1177/106591298203500409","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591298203500409","url":null,"abstract":"HE SECOND World War is often regarded as a watershed in world history. Observers have pointed to a number of changes in the global system that occurred after its conclusion: the emergence of bipolar system structure, along with new contenders for international leadership; the invention (and subsequent proliferation) of weapons of extreme power; and the explosion of new nation-states that has created a truly global system. But have these changes been accompanied by changes in behavior between nation states? This paper will investigate one aspect of interstate behaviormilitary conflict involving the major powers-and ascertain whether the time period 1946-1976 was marked by a sharp change in the amount of this conflict, as compared to the period 1816-1945.","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"57 1","pages":"587 - 605"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1982-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88194216","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Bicameralism and the Theory of Voting","authors":"Donald R. Gross","doi":"10.1177/106591298203500404","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591298203500404","url":null,"abstract":"P 5 RACTITIONERS and political scientists alike have long recognized that legislative decisions are often determined by the strategic behavior of legislators and the procedures of a legislature. Almost every text on the American legislative process discusses how the voting order, the voting procedures, and other legislative procedures can affect the final nature of legislation. While offering insight into the importance of the voting process and the process of strategic behavior, much of the early writing on these topics was primarily descriptive. In recent years a new body of literature on voting processes and strategic behavior in legislatures has developed which is based upon social choice theory.' This literature has addressed a number of topics: coalition formation and stability, vote trading, and legislative procedures such as the voting process. That portion which deals with voting procedures primarily derives from the work of Black (1971) and Farquharson (1969). Black examined how any voting body would select a single proposal out of a series of alternatives for a given voting procedure. Farquharson demonstrated how, for the threevoter three-alternative case, the selection of one final alternative would depend upon the voting process, the voting order, and whether voters were employing sincere or sophisticated strategies. In a recent work, Miller (1977) used a graph-theoretic approach to extend Farquharson's analysis to the general case in which a voting decision must be reached out of a set of n proposals. While a number of legislative voting procedures have been discussed in the literature, such analyses have not taken into account one central characteristic of the American legislative process: bicameralism. The literature has emphasized that the so-called amendment procedure most closely approximates the voting procedure in American legislatures. Under the amendment procedure two proposals are paired for a majority vote, the defeated proposal is eliminated with the winning proposal now being paired against a third proposal. This process continues until one proposal remains. Since the votes are being taken in one chamber, the sincere and sophisticated outcomes as determined by Farquharson and Miller are dependent upon the legislators' preferences among the alternatives presented in the one chamber, the voting order, and the willingness of voters to vote strategically. Actions or anticipated actions outside of the chamber are assumed to have no impact upon the votes or outcome within the chamber.","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"56 1","pages":"511 - 526"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1982-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73097955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The End of Methodology? a Review Essay On Evaluation Research Methods","authors":"M. Hennessy","doi":"10.1177/106591298203500410","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/106591298203500410","url":null,"abstract":"E) VALUATION research was one of the largest growth industries in the social sciences during the 1970s. With the current decline in federal expenditures and resultant reductions in appropriation for applied research, we can expect an increased interest in performing technically sound and politically persuasive' evaluations to justify the maintenance of existing programs and to make planned social change efficient and cost effective. Under present economic and political conditions, bad and/or useless evaluations will not be tolerated or funded. Thus, the last few years have seen an increase in the literature about evaluation research methods. Fore-","PeriodicalId":83314,"journal":{"name":"The Western political quarterly","volume":"160 1","pages":"606 - 612"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1982-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77044822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}