Afro-Americans in New York life and history最新文献

{"title":"The End of White World Supremacy: Black Internationalism and the Problem of the Color Line","authors":"Cicero M. Fain","doi":"10.5860/choice.47-5959","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.47-5959","url":null,"abstract":"The End of White World Supremacy: Black Internationalism and the Problem of the Color Line, by Roderick D. Bush. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2009. 258 pp. Barack Obama's historic election reaffirmed the conundrum of the race in America. On the one hand, it embodied the long-sought convergence of the democratic vision articulated by intellectuals, activists, and citizens comprising the civil rights movement. Inarguably, his election shifted and edified the nature of discourse on history, democracy, race, and power in contemporary America and the international arena. Yet, overwhelmingly Blacks still see race and racism as constitutive of American society. In contrast, many saw Obama's singular achievement as an allegory for an eventual post-racial society in which Blacks are no longer considered inferior and whites are no longer racists. In effect, signaling the long-sought completion of the democratic vision of the movement. In The End of White World Supremacy: Black Internationalism and the Problem of the Color Line, Roderick D. Bush offers a sophisticated, ambitious, and expansive rebuff to those embracing a vision of racial idealism. Revisiting and grounding his thesis in Dr. W. ?. B. Du Bois' prophetic declaration in The Souls of Black Folks that \"the problem of the 20th century is the color line,\" Bush believes \"racism is systemic\" and \"foundational to the modern-world system (218)\" that originated with European colonial expansion and metastasized into global proportions with American and European imperialism during the 20th century. Employing multiple perspectives to examine the Black American experience and its international dimensions, Bush utilizes two differing literatures - world systems analysis and radical black social movement theory to contextualize the tradition of black activism and black radicalism used to confront the racist forces of the capitalist world economy and provide a corrective to global social injustice. In his mind, the civil rights movement encompasses a crucial ideological and political platform within a broader historical continuum in which white liberals, the working class, women, and Black Americans coalesced into an assault on white supremacy and reconfigured global power relations. In the Black intellectual tradition, Bush utilizes a diverse and substantive evidentiary base of historical, theoretical, and secondary literature to construct an authoritative analytical foundation. By embracing a \"more sophisticated use of the concept of social time (13),\" and interdisciplinary theoretical foundation, Bush expands the periodization of the civil rights movement (and the actors within it) to the nineteenth century, and re-conceptualizes and broadens our understanding of the historic centrality of the civil rights movement, the Black radical tradition, and race-based social movements to the political aspirations of Black Americans and those of the African descent throughout the world. Consequently, he brin","PeriodicalId":80379,"journal":{"name":"Afro-Americans in New York life and history","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71129564","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Rochdale Village and the Rise and Fall of Integrated Housing in New York City1","authors":"P. Eisenstadt","doi":"10.2307/j.ctt13wzxr4.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt13wzxr4.8","url":null,"abstract":"When Rochdale Village opened in southeastern Queens in late 1963, it was the largest housing cooperative in the world. When fully occupied its 5,860 apartments contained about 25,000 residents. Rochdale Village was a limited-equity, middle-income cooperative. Its apartments could not be resold for a profit, and with the average per room charges when opened of $21 a month, it was on the low end of the middle-income spectrum. (3) It was laid out as a massive 170 acre superblock development, with no through streets, and only winding pedestrian paths, lined with newly planted trees, crossing a greensward connecting the twenty massive cruciform apartment buildings. Rochdale was a typical urban post-war housing development, in outward appearance differing from most others simply in its size. It was, in a word, wrote historian Joshua Freeman, \"nondescript.\" (4) Appearances deceive. Rochdale Village was unique; the largest experiment in integrated housing in New York City in the 1960s, and very likely the largest such experiment anywhere in the United States (5). It was located in South Jamaica, which by the early 1960s was the third largest black neighborhood in the city. Blacks started to move to South Jamaica in large numbers after World War I, and by 1960 its population was almost entirely African American. It was a neighborhood of considerable income diversity, with the largest tracts of black owned private housing in the city adjacent to some desperate pockets of poverty. In the late 1950s, there was an exodus of at least 25,000 whites from some of the few remaining mixed areas in South Jamaica. (6) Despite that, at least 80% of the original families in Rochdale were white, the overwhelmingly majority of those were of Jewish background. (7) I was a member of one of those Jewish families, and lived in Rochdale from 1964, when I was ten years old, until 1973. Rochdale was not isolated from its surrounding community. School children from Rochdale and the surrounding neighborhoods attended racially balanced schools, and their parents shopped in Rochdale's malls and its cooperative supermarkets, the first in South Jamaica. Historian Joshua Freeman notes, \"Rochdale seemed to embody everything the civil rights movement ... called for.\" (8) This was widely recognized at the time. A lengthy article in the New York Times Magazine in 1966 by the veteran radical journalist Harvey Swados sensitively analyzed the problems and promises of integration in Rochdale, concluding, that Rochdale was providing the largest and most important practical test in New York City, of the dominant question of the era--\"could blacks and white live together?\" (9) This hope was very much of its time and place. Rochdale Village was one of the most tangible products of a period in New York City's history, from the mid-1950s through the mid-1960, that can be seen, in retrospect, as the apogee of the belief in integration, in theory and in practice. To be sure, support for integration w","PeriodicalId":80379,"journal":{"name":"Afro-Americans in New York life and history","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2007-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68700857","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Robert Wagner, Milton Galamison and the Challenge to New York City Liberalism","authors":"Clarence Taylor","doi":"10.1007/978-1-349-73572-3_18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-73572-3_18","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":80379,"journal":{"name":"Afro-Americans in New York life and history","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2007-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50923620","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Unforgivable Blackness: The Rise and Fall of Jack Johnson","authors":"John C. Walter","doi":"10.5860/choice.42-4096","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.42-4096","url":null,"abstract":"Geoffrey C. Ward, Unforgivable Blackness: The Rise and Fall of Jack Johnson. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004, 475 pages, $25.95. Jack Johnson, one of the greatest heavyweight boxers ever, won the heavyweight title from Tommy Burns in Australia in 1908. That the championship bout took place in Australia indicates that it was not a fight that most Americans welcomed. All previous heavyweight champions, including John L. Sullivan, Jim Jeffries, and even Tommy Burns, had for quite a long time, adopted the policy of not fighting Black men. But Burns eventually broke the rule because of newspaper taunts that he was afraid of Jack Johnson. Moreover, because Burns was always after money, the fight took place, and Johnson easily won. According to many sources, after the fight, as African Americans euphorically rejoiced (because to them, Johnson's victory was proof that Black people were equal to white persons, if nowhere else, then at least in the ring), more than 26 of the rejoicers were killed by whites, and hundreds more were reported hurt in many places throughout the United States, but mostly in the South. This could not have been unexpected because, between 1900 and the time that Johnson won the heavyweight championship in 1908, more than 700 negroes had been lynched in the United States. Black men were lynched for being too uppity, being too familiar with white women, and on the trumped up charge of rape. Jack Johnson was never charged with rape, but unlike most Black men, he was certainly uppity and familiar with white women. Unforgivable Blackness details all of Johnson's fights on his way to the heavyweight championship. It's a story of an odyssey, a testimony to Johnson's dedication and single-mindedness in his quest for a championship that he thought would rid him of bigotry and provide for him a good and stable life. It is also a story of the intractableness of racism, and its hideous effects throughout all of American society. Most of the participants and characters in Johnson's life are prime examples of the deformities and racist rage resulting from the prejudice against anyone who defies racist laws and conventions, and who seeks to live as a free person in a free country. And in this rich tale of lying, cheating, and perversion of the laws, not only were individuals involved, but also state governments, well-respected persons in high society and officials of the federal government. It is interesting that throughout Johnson's life he always seemed to have been the victim of bad timing. He was born March 31, 1878 in Galveston, TX, as Arthur John Johnson, the son of former slaves. His father had fought in the Civil War on the Union side, and expected some consideration for his efforts. But such considerations were hard to come by after 1876. In fact, by 1876 the Republican Party and the North essentially abandoned efforts to improve the lot of Black people in the South, leaving them at the mercy of terrorist societies and a vengeful legal s","PeriodicalId":80379,"journal":{"name":"Afro-Americans in New York life and history","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2007-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71105670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Women's Radical Reconstruction: The Freedmen's Aid Movement","authors":"V. Wolcott","doi":"10.5860/choice.41-6724","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.41-6724","url":null,"abstract":"Carol Faulkner, Women's Radical Reconstruction: The Freedmen's Aid Movement. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004. Carol Faulkner has placed women in the center of Reconstruction in this well-crafted book. She demonstrates the origins of women's political culture in debates over freedmen's relief and suggests how militant white and black female reformers clashed with male advocates of free labor ideology. Abolitionist feminists, suggests Faulkner, placed the immediate needs of destitute freedpeople over the Republican Party's ideological concerns. Working closely with recently freed slaves, white and black women were continually frustrated by the lack of support for relief, land reform, and reparations that they viewed as just. This militant stance was stymied by a male political culture that debased female reform and sought to prevent black \"dependence\" on the federal government Women's vision of freedom, it seems, differed from men's and we are indebted to Faulkner for illuminating this dynamic. By examining the activism of middle-class African-American reformers, Faulkner also demonstrates the crucial role black women played in Reconstruction. In many ways these activist women had more in common with their white counterparts than the freedwomen whose suffering they sought to alleviate. During the Civil War, for example, abolitionist and former slave Harriet Jacobs worked closely with Julia Wilbur, a white reformer from Rochester, to urge the government to materially aid slave refugees. Their efforts met considerable resistance from the military who feared the dependency of freedpeople. Even abolitionist men, who had long supported women's rights, sought to marginalize female reformers such as Jacobs and Wilbur. Faulkner suggests these Republican men saw an opportunity to gain a new respectability and did so by asserting \"manhood rights\" and denigrating feminine styles of reform. To foster independence among freedpeople freedmen's aid societies advocated education among former slaves. Although this was a departure from the direct relief and land reform many female reformers viewed as crucial to the survival of freedpeople, they also viewed education as an opportunity to support themselves and become central players in Reconstruction. Faulkner thoroughly dispels the myth of the \"Yankee schoolmarm\" by describing the work northern teachers, black and white, carried out in the South. Indeed it was women who kept the freedmen's schools going as white northern support waned after 1870 and southern legislatures failed to support public education for African Americans. Faulkner's focus on the work of African-American women in education during this early period is particularly welcome as it helps explain the roots of the powerful black women's club movement of the late nineteenth century. Teachers such as Charlotte Forten, from a prominent free black family in Philadelphia, served as mediators between freedpeople and northern reformers. ","PeriodicalId":80379,"journal":{"name":"Afro-Americans in New York life and history","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2007-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71101732","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"John R. McKivigan and Stanley Harrold, Editors. Antislavery Violence: Sectional Racial and Cultural Conflict in Antebellum America","authors":"O. Williams","doi":"10.1086/ahr/106.1.172","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/106.1.172","url":null,"abstract":"Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1999. Pp. ix, 322.Originating from a session at the 1994 Southern Historical Association, Antislavery Violence addresses the use of violence by slaves and abolitionists during the antebellum period. Inspired by earlier studies such as Herbert Aptheker's 1943 American Negro Slave Revolts, the book asserts that antislavery violence united black and white enemies of the system, and lay deep in American History and culture (2). Divided into two parts, the first five essays address slave revolts, and self defense by fugitive slaves and free blacks. The remaining five essays discuss antislavery violence and rhetoric by white abolitionists. The result is a book that presents a picture of an antislavery movement that was fought on various fronts and emphasized interracial cooperation, self-defense, and necessary violence to defeat slavery.Antislavery Violence dispels any myths about slave passivity by shrewdly beginning with the discussion of slave rebellions. Douglas R. Egerton's essay affirms that the 1791 Slave Rebellion in Saint Domingue inspired a series of rebellions in Virginia, culminating in the infamous slave rebellion in 1800 led by the slave Gabriel. \"For black Virginians, determined to fulfill the egalitarian promise of the American Revolution,\" states Egerton, \"the news from the Caribbean reminded them that if they dared, the death of slavery might be within their reach (41). Edgerton vividly recalls details of Gabriel's rebellion from its plot to kidnap then Governor James Monroe and the Virginia state legislature to his capture, trial, and execution.Junius Rodriguez examines the dramatic but rarely mentioned 1811 Louisiana Slave Rebellion. Led by mulatto slave driver Charles Deslondes, a group of slaves numbering 180 to 500 rebelled and destroyed several plantations along the Mississippi River 40 miles below New Orleans. Fearing an attack of the city, U.S. troops were dispatched and brutally suppressed the rebellion. Two whites and a slave were killed in the rebellion, whereupon U.S. troops and executions resulted in 150 rebels dead. Once again, the 1791 Saint Domingue revolt is mentioned as a motivating factor for the rebellion: \"Ideas of rebellion, imported from Santo Domingo, inspired slaves who rose in rebellion (82).\"Carol Wilson's essay discusses the assertive role Northern free blacks and fugitive slaves took to protect themselves from slaveholders emboldened by the 1850 Fugitive Slave Law. Free blacks in Philadelphia, New York, and Boston formed vigilance committees that used the law and, if necessary, violence to prevent kidnappings. Fugitive slaves confronted by pursuing masters and the law used violence to prevent their return to slavery. One example mentioned is the 1851 Christiana (Pa.) Riot, where a group of fugitive slaves and their defenders violently clashed and killed their former master. …","PeriodicalId":80379,"journal":{"name":"Afro-Americans in New York life and history","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/ahr/106.1.172","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60733347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Expanding the Boundaries of Politics: The Various Voices of the Black Religious Community of Brooklyn, New York before and during the Cold War","authors":"Clarence Taylor","doi":"10.4324/9780203616635-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203616635-6","url":null,"abstract":"Expanding the Boundaries of Politics: The Various Voices of the Black Religious Community of Brooklyn, New York Before and During the Cold War.Historians writing on African-American history and politics have argued that Cold War hysteria and political repression of left forces marginalized the black left. The result of this marginalization was the removal of a serious progressive force that had the potential of moving black America to a left of center politics. Instead, black America, according to these historians, moved to the right with little dissent. Noted scholar Gerald Horne, for example, contends that the attack on black radicals silenced important radical voices during the Cold War. Because radicals were too weak and received little support from mainstream organizations, narrow Black Nationalism rose to fill the void.(2)Thomas J. Sugrue argues that anti-Communism during the Cold War \"silenced some of the most powerful critics of the postwar economic and social order. Red-baiting discredited and weakened progressive reform efforts. By the 1950s, unions had purged their leftist members and marginalized a powerful critique of postwar capitalism. McCarthyism also put constraints on liberal critics of capitalism. In the enforced consensus of the postwar era, it became Un-American to criticize business decisions or to interfere with managerial prerogative or to focus on lingering class inequalities in the United States.\"(3)Historian Manning Marable also contends that as the \"Cold War intensified the repression of black progressives increased.\" As an example of the growing repression, Marable notes that the writings of W.E.B. Du Bois were removed from libraries and institutions of higher learning. The result of such politically repressive acts, according to Marable, was that \"black public opinion moved even further to the right.\" Although Marable notes that black ministers and black churches were not monolithic when it came to political ideology, the black church was nevertheless ambiguous when it came to dealing with black liberation.(4)These historians have greatly contributed to our understanding of post World War II black America. They have shed light on the Cold War period and its relationship to African Americans. Sugrue has presented a complex account of the reason for deteriorating inner city conditions, challenging earlier works on the underclass that only look at one variable. In particular, Horne and Marable have given a credible explanation for why some black Americans joined America's Cold War effort to stamp out the left. These historians have challenged an earlier historiography that either ignored the significance of black radicals or simply labeled them as tools of the white left and \"authenticated\" black leaders.(5)This paper attempts to contribute to this literature by examining another important dimension of the black community that receives little attention when discussing the black left. For the most part, Afro-Christianity","PeriodicalId":80379,"journal":{"name":"Afro-Americans in New York life and history","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70589368","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"William Seraile, Voice of Dissent: Theophilus Gould Steward (1843-1924) and Black America","authors":"Henry Gilford","doi":"10.5860/choice.30-1154","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.30-1154","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":80379,"journal":{"name":"Afro-Americans in New York life and history","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71041235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Jacqueline Goggin, Carter G. Woodson: A Life in Black History","authors":"Vernon J. Williams","doi":"10.1086/ahr/100.1.246","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/100.1.246","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":80379,"journal":{"name":"Afro-Americans in New York life and history","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1994-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/ahr/100.1.246","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60732905","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Charles Green and Basil Wilson, the Struggle for Black Empowerment in New York City: Beyond the Politics of Pigmentation","authors":"C. Banner-Haley","doi":"10.5860/choice.27-0488","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.27-0488","url":null,"abstract":"Charles Green and Basil Wilson, The Struggle for Black Empowerment in New York City: Beyond the Politics of PigmentationNew York City politics have always been byzantine. African American politics in the nation's most populous city have been even more complicated. Throughout the city's history, black people have been consistently discriminated against and excluded. Current events notwithstanding, violence has been inflicted on the Black community in an alarmingly consistent pattern throughout the course of the city's existence. The most difficult task for Afro-Americans in New York City has been the attainment of political power: either to redress past discriminations or improve their community. Kept under the control of various paternalistic coalitions of white ethnic groups, few African Americans were able to capture any positions of real power. Those matters changed somewhat in the 1930s and even more dramatically in the 1950s and 60s especially in the presence of Adam Clayton Powell. But the institutionalization of racism of those times was deeply embedded, even more so than in the overtly segregationist South. While the Civil Rights Movement destroyed \"jim crow\" and led to legislation that transformed the South, in New York City African American politics remained under the supervision of ethnic coalitions formed in the Thirties and Forties. Part of the problem has been the inability of Blacks to form coalitions with other disenfranchised groups such as the large and diverse Hispanic population. Then too there has been tensions within the Black community between Afro-Americans and Afro-Caribbeans.Much of that appears to have changed now that the city has elected its first Black mayor, David Dinkins. Charles Green and Basil Wilson's book came out before the election took place but much of the foregoing comments are covered by them in a readable and informative way. The strength of this book lies in its timeliness. Unfortunately it is also a weakness. The perspective and ground on which this volume stands is one of current affairs and, given the rapid changes taking place today in the Black community, a book such as this can quickly become dated. Nonetheless, there are two areas that deserve serious attention: the first being the analytic framework within which the authors dissect the political history of New York City. Green and Wilson see three periods of white ethnic hegemony: Irish Hegemony (1880-1932), Ethnic Symmetry (Irish, Jews and Italians, 1933-76), and White Backlash (1977-1989). With the election of David Dinkins, one could say that a Period of Coalition is under way but that remains to be seen. The typology that Green and Wilson present is very useful for understanding the labyrinthine politics of the city. Indeed one wishes for more description and depth but the authors were apparently aiming for timeliness rather than thoroughness. That unfortunately prevented them from making some useful and pertinent analyses of why the state o","PeriodicalId":80379,"journal":{"name":"Afro-Americans in New York life and history","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1991-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71033286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}