Charles Green and Basil Wilson, the Struggle for Black Empowerment in New York City: Beyond the Politics of Pigmentation

C. Banner-Haley
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Abstract

Charles Green and Basil Wilson, The Struggle for Black Empowerment in New York City: Beyond the Politics of PigmentationNew York City politics have always been byzantine. African American politics in the nation's most populous city have been even more complicated. Throughout the city's history, black people have been consistently discriminated against and excluded. Current events notwithstanding, violence has been inflicted on the Black community in an alarmingly consistent pattern throughout the course of the city's existence. The most difficult task for Afro-Americans in New York City has been the attainment of political power: either to redress past discriminations or improve their community. Kept under the control of various paternalistic coalitions of white ethnic groups, few African Americans were able to capture any positions of real power. Those matters changed somewhat in the 1930s and even more dramatically in the 1950s and 60s especially in the presence of Adam Clayton Powell. But the institutionalization of racism of those times was deeply embedded, even more so than in the overtly segregationist South. While the Civil Rights Movement destroyed "jim crow" and led to legislation that transformed the South, in New York City African American politics remained under the supervision of ethnic coalitions formed in the Thirties and Forties. Part of the problem has been the inability of Blacks to form coalitions with other disenfranchised groups such as the large and diverse Hispanic population. Then too there has been tensions within the Black community between Afro-Americans and Afro-Caribbeans.Much of that appears to have changed now that the city has elected its first Black mayor, David Dinkins. Charles Green and Basil Wilson's book came out before the election took place but much of the foregoing comments are covered by them in a readable and informative way. The strength of this book lies in its timeliness. Unfortunately it is also a weakness. The perspective and ground on which this volume stands is one of current affairs and, given the rapid changes taking place today in the Black community, a book such as this can quickly become dated. Nonetheless, there are two areas that deserve serious attention: the first being the analytic framework within which the authors dissect the political history of New York City. Green and Wilson see three periods of white ethnic hegemony: Irish Hegemony (1880-1932), Ethnic Symmetry (Irish, Jews and Italians, 1933-76), and White Backlash (1977-1989). With the election of David Dinkins, one could say that a Period of Coalition is under way but that remains to be seen. The typology that Green and Wilson present is very useful for understanding the labyrinthine politics of the city. Indeed one wishes for more description and depth but the authors were apparently aiming for timeliness rather than thoroughness. That unfortunately prevented them from making some useful and pertinent analyses of why the state of Afro-America in New York City is where it is presently. For example, the authors in their historically organized second chapter note that in the Thirties "the black working class responded more enthusiastically to black nationalist appeals than to the class analysis of the CPUSA. …
查尔斯·格林和巴兹尔·威尔逊,纽约黑人赋权斗争:超越肤色政治
查尔斯·格林和巴兹尔·威尔逊,《纽约市黑人赋权的斗争:超越肤色政治》纽约的政治一直是错综复杂的。在美国人口最多的城市,非裔美国人的政治甚至更加复杂。纵观这座城市的历史,黑人一直受到歧视和排斥。尽管发生了当前的事件,但在这个城市存在的整个过程中,暴力一直以一种令人震惊的一致模式强加于黑人社区。对纽约市的非裔美国人来说,最困难的任务是获得政治权力:要么纠正过去的歧视,要么改善他们的社区。在各种家长式的白人种族联盟的控制下,很少有非洲裔美国人能够获得任何实权职位。这些情况在20世纪30年代发生了一些变化,在20世纪50年代和60年代发生了更大的变化,尤其是在亚当·克莱顿·鲍威尔的出现下。但在那个时代,种族主义的制度化是根深蒂固的,甚至比公然实行种族隔离的南方还要严重。虽然民权运动摧毁了“吉姆·克劳”,并促成了改变南方的立法,但在纽约市,非裔美国人的政治仍然处于30年代和40年代形成的种族联盟的监督之下。问题的部分原因在于黑人无法与其他被剥夺公民权的群体结成联盟,比如庞大而多样化的西班牙裔人口。此外,在黑人社区内,美国黑人和加勒比黑人之间也存在紧张关系。随着该市选出了第一位黑人市长大卫·丁金斯(David Dinkins),这一切似乎都发生了变化。查尔斯·格林和巴兹尔·威尔逊的书是在大选之前出版的,但他们以一种可读和信息丰富的方式涵盖了前面的许多评论。这本书的优点在于它的时效性。不幸的是,这也是一个弱点。这本书的观点和基础是当前的事件之一,考虑到今天黑人社区发生的迅速变化,像这样的书很快就会过时。尽管如此,有两个领域值得认真关注:第一个是作者剖析纽约市政治史的分析框架。格林和威尔逊认为白人种族霸权有三个时期:爱尔兰霸权(1880-1932),种族对称(1933- 1976年,爱尔兰人、犹太人和意大利人),以及白人反弹(1977-1989)。随着大卫·丁金斯(David Dinkins)的当选,人们可以说联合执政时期正在进行中,但这还有待观察。格林和威尔逊提出的类型学对于理解城市错综复杂的政治非常有用。的确,人们希望有更多的描述和深度,但作者显然是为了时效性而不是彻底性。不幸的是,这使他们无法对纽约市的非裔美国人的现状做出一些有用和中肯的分析。例如,作者在其历史组织的第二章中指出,在30年代,“黑人工人阶级对黑人民族主义诉求的反应比对美国共产党的阶级分析的反应更热情。”…
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