Vestnik RUDN International Relations最新文献

{"title":"Spanish Humanitarian Policy in Latin America: Peculiarities and Priorities","authors":"A. Borzova, O. Volosyuk, Nino D. Nikolashvili","doi":"10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-586-599","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-586-599","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the establishment and formation of the humanitarian policy of Spain, the evolution of the concept of “Hispanidad” in relation to Latin America, when Spain, along with the expansion of investment and economic cooperation, was building up educational, scientific, cultural interaction based on a common historical past, and intended positioning itself as a “bridge” between the EU and this region. The authors apply the theory of constructivism, based on the position that “historical and cultural paradigms,” norms and beliefs, and not only economic power influences the rapprochement of states. The chronological order makes possible to trace the evolution of the features and priorities of the country’s humanitarian policy, starting from the second half of the 2010s, when it was reduced to the dominance of the educational and scientific factor in Spanish public diplomacy towards Latin America. The Spanish state has achieved significant results in improving the system of higher education, making it attractive to foreign students. The activities of public and private structures (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, AECID, Carolina Foundation, Casa America) are focused not only at creating a positive image of Spain (the Program “Spain Global”), but also at forming a common Ibero-American scientific and educational space. In the Ibero-American Community of Nations (ICN), which unites countries on the basis of language and culture, an important place is given to youth problems related to the availability of quality education and employment, as well as issues of digitalization, economic modernization, renewable energy. Within the framework of the ICN, the Tordesillas Group, the Association of Ibero-American Universities, the La Rabida Group, etc., are intended to implement the 2021 Goals in the field of education. The use of professional research networks, the introduction of new skills and competencies for students and teachers, the creation of the Ibero-American Institute for Education and Productivity (IIEYP), focusing on the relationship between education and economic growth, became a real basis for strengthening a common Ibero-American educational and scientific space as a main priority in the actual humanitarian policy of Spain.","PeriodicalId":55752,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik RUDN International Relations","volume":"14 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80774041","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The United States - Mexico Relations in the Context of the USMCA Agreement Ratification","authors":"I. Sokov","doi":"10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-571-585","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-571-585","url":null,"abstract":"The research is devoted to the consideration of the US-Mexican relations in the context of ratification of a new trilateral US - Mexico - Canada trade agreement - USMCA, that replaced NAFTA. Since the end of 2018, after the singing of USMCA and the general elections of Mexican President, the US-Mexican relations during 2019 developed under challenging conditions of political confrontation, which consisted in the pressure of US president D. Trump Administration and the US Congress on the Mexican government to include additional conditions in the agreement, related to the Mexican workers’ salary, new rules of origin for Mexican goods, customs duties on steel and aluminium, evaluation of the cost of pharmaceutical products, the increase in environmental standards, as well as the inclusion of government measures to stop transit migration from Central America to the USA through Mexican territory. These innovations in bilateral relations determine the relevance of this article. The purpose of the study is to assess the changes that have occurred in the bilateral relations while the states were discussing the terms of USMCA agreement and the first two years of its application. As a method, a comparative analysis of texts was used, including interim negotiations results between the heads of states, trade representatives, and the representatives of the Mexican Foreign Ministry and the US State Department, texts of speeches by parliamentarians, and materials from the American and Mexican media. The article highlights the changes in the US-Mexican relations during 2019-2021 after USMCA ratification, and provides the author’s forecast of their development in the near future, considering the strict American trade requirements to Mexico that formed in the process. The author comes to the conclusion that the United States will be guided by its own interests and may unfairly fulfil some of the conditions of USMCA agreement.","PeriodicalId":55752,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik RUDN International Relations","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80125734","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Latin American Experience of Paradiplomacy: The Case of Mercocities","authors":"Muradin M. Alibalaev, D. Kuznetsov","doi":"10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-537-553","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-537-553","url":null,"abstract":"At present, the nature and scope of paradiplomacy vary depending on the level of political activeness of the regions, local challenges and the willingness of both states and sub-national entities to implement paradiplomacy strategies. Latin America, taken as an object of study, is no exception. Over the past three decades, Latin America has gained considerable experience of interaction at the level of cities and sub-national regions. The aim of the research is to identify the key features and problems that shape the development of paradiplomacy in South America, using Mercociudades (Mercocities) as an example. This network includes cities of MERCOSUR member states, while remaining open to other cities. Mercociudades might be regarded as the largest and most influential actor of that nature, whose aim is to develop regional units. Relying on case study, document analysis, comparative analysis and SWOT technique, the authors reveal some problems of institutional and organizational nature, differences in legal frameworks of different actors and irrelevance of separate Mercociudades projects and structures for tackling common challenges. Many of the shortcomings of Mercociudades lie in the very nature of the network, determined by its structure and the policies of MERCOSUR member states. At the same time, it is argued that the Mercociudades network can be considered one of the most advanced paradiplomacy cases. Its experience is relatively successful, contributing to the economic, social and political development of the member cities and states concerned. The research is based on official documents and respectful academic sources.","PeriodicalId":55752,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik RUDN International Relations","volume":"20 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75377964","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Venezuelan Forced Migrants and Refugees in Brazil and Ecuador: Security Issues and Social Provision during the COVID-19 Pandemic","authors":"Andrea P. Pacifico, Johnatan Da Costa Santos, F. L. S. Silva","doi":"10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-554-570","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-554-570","url":null,"abstract":"The worsening economic and social crisis in Venezuela has led to a massive flow of Venezuelan migrants to neighbouring Latin American countries. The influx of forced migrants from Venezuela has challenged the regional security of Latin American countries, which were already experiencing structural and social problems. Brazil and Ecuador, where a significant number of Venezuelan nationals arrived, faced great obstacles in providing the arriving migrants with access to health care and education for their children, jobs, while at the same time meeting the needs and social problems of the local population. After the upheaval of the COVID-19 pandemic in March 2020, social problems such as health, education, job access, security, and governance have proven to be the most challenging in the region. However, as the pandemic situation showed, regional leaders were negligent in their response to the disease and refused to cooperate in addressing the problem, with dire consequences. This article analyses the impact of the Brazilian and Ecuadorian immigration laws and asylum policy on the protection of Venezuelans’ forced migrants and refugees who entered Brazil and Ecuador before and during the COVID-19 pandemic. As a regional security issue, the protection of Venezuelans is the basis for regional stability, which can only be achieved through cross-issue persuasion. The article, therefore, concludes that Brazil and Ecuador, after having created rules and implemented public policies before and after the pandemic, in cooperation or not with diverse international and national actors, to host and integrate Venezuelan citizens in both countries, have followed their commitment in accordance with previously adopted international and regional agreements, and domestic laws.","PeriodicalId":55752,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik RUDN International Relations","volume":"118 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74673709","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Central America Facing the Bicentennial Crisis: Political Uncertainty, Economic Hardship and Climate Challenges","authors":"Salvador Martí i Puig, Daniel Rodríguez Suárez","doi":"10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-495-505","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-495-505","url":null,"abstract":"Central America meets the bicentenary of its independence in the midst of a threefold crisis: a political crisis marked by democratic regression; an economic crisis resulting from the COVID-19 maelstrom and the subsequent collapse of international trade and tourism; finally, a humanitarian crisis generated by the pandemic and climate change. In this article we will focus our attention on how this triple crisis has hit five Central American republics - the three that make up the so called Northern Triangle, as well as Nicaragua and Costa Rica. This article will look at the political level by country and jointly address the problems created by the pandemic and the challenges and costs posed by the climate crisis. Based on the complex nature of the crisis the defended theses are threefold. The first is that the democracy of the prevailing political regimes has been eroded in the 21st century. In some cases, as a result of the collapse of the traditional party systems, in other cases due to a lack of public confidence, and in some cases due to the increase of power in the hands of presidents. The second thesis relates to unexpected natural phenomena, such as the COVID-19 pandemic and natural disasters, for instance, hurricanes. These phenomena increased the demands on weakened institutions and highlighted the precariousness in which the majority of the population lives. The third thesis points out that in order to cope with the political and humanitarian crisis many of the region’s citizens opted to migrate northwards. Central Americans’ individual preference for emigration implies the dismissal of the possibility of seeking social improvements through collective commitments and struggles in their own country.","PeriodicalId":55752,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik RUDN International Relations","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86983970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Latin America: From the “Washington” to the “Cornwall Consensus”","authors":"Yury N. Moseykin, Elvis Ojeda Calluni, M. Moseykina","doi":"10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-506-519","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-506-519","url":null,"abstract":"The research examines the proposals of the “Cornwall Consensus” in the context of their possible application in Latin America. The authors argue that these proposals could contribute to the development of a new economic development strategy for the post-liberal period. It is likely that the “Cornwall Consensus” proposals become dominant in shaping the global agenda on the new economic paradigm. Although it is important to mention that nowadays there also also “Beijing” and “Delhi” consensuses those are linked to the Chinese and Indian models of economic liberalization and constitute an alternative to the “Washington Consensus”. The article analyzes the effectiveness of the “Washington Consensus” adjustment mechanism, carries out a comparative analysis of the Latin American economies that pursued both liberal and statist development models. Then the article examines the main recommendations and ideas of the “Cornwall Consensus”, the prospects of adapting the Latin American region to the proposals of a new development model against the background of existing experience in implementing the recommendations of the “Washington Consensus”, its consequences and existing “post-neoliberal” alternatives. The authors conclude that, despite the adaptability of the Latin American economies, the question remains whether the proposals of the “Cornwall Consensus” can contribute to the revival of the development policy in Latin America aimed at creating a new type of “welfare state”? The study concludes that the proposals of the “Cornwall Consensus” could contribute to the formulation of a new development policy, since the “welfare state” in its Latin American version, regardless of whether “neoliberal” or “progressive”, has exhausted itself.","PeriodicalId":55752,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik RUDN International Relations","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79590414","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Latin America and the European Union: Conceptual Approaches and Practice of Economic Cooperation","authors":"V. Tayar","doi":"10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-520-536","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-520-536","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with North - South cooperation between the European Union (EU) and Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) with an emphasis on bilateral trade. Over the past decades, cooperation with the EU has been perceived in LAC as a counterweight to the US dominance and one of the priorities of external economic relations. The article presents a retrospective of theoretical approaches of the non-Western Latin American school of UN Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC, CEPAL in Spanish) to the economic cooperation with the EU. A feature of the article is the study of trade interaction between the LCA and the EU countries. When analyzing the dynamics of trade during the first two decades of the 21st century the author of the article comes to the conclusion that the trade exchange between the EU and the LCA is uneven. There are many LAC countries that continue to export low-value-added products to the EU. Thus, the dichotomy between two models of commercial specialization of LAC has exacerbated. On one hand, there is a model of South American countries focused on raw materials (MERCOSUR, Andean Community), and, on the other hand, there is a model that includes the export of manufactured products and participation in industrial production chains (Mexico, Central America). The article concludes that MERCOSUR will probably face a number of trade challenges related to its model of economic globalization, particularly with regard to its export specialization in commodities and food. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that in the context of exacerbation of geopolitical contradictions and a changing world order, it is important to analyze the Latin American approach to economic cooperation with the EU countries, among which, in turn, there is a growing understanding that still free niches in the Latin American market can be occupied by China or other partners not belonging to the collective West.","PeriodicalId":55752,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik RUDN International Relations","volume":"53 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80820501","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Book review: Martynov, B. F., & Borzova, A. Yu. (2021). History of Foreign Policy and Diplomacy of Brazil. Moscow: Aspekt Press publ., 287 p. (In Russian)","authors":"A. Eremin, Xavier Medina González","doi":"10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-625-628","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-625-628","url":null,"abstract":"<jats:p>-</jats:p>","PeriodicalId":55752,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik RUDN International Relations","volume":"47 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74522545","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Malicious Use of Artificial Intelligence in Sub-Saharan Africa: Challenges for Pan-African Cybersecurity","authors":"K. Pantserev","doi":"10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-2-288-302","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-2-288-302","url":null,"abstract":"For almost two decades, Sub-Saharan African countries have been making significant efforts to ensure the rapid development of industries related to information and communication technology (ICTs) in the region. At present, all leading nations are placing greater emphasis on the development of hybrid intelligent systems capable of solving extremely complicated tasks. This includes Sub-Saharan African countries, which consider the development of advanced technologies to be an effective instrument for ensuring sustainable social and economic growth and solving a great number of the continent’s problems. It has become evident, however, that all technological novelties that should simplify our lives can be used for malicious purposes. The present study examines existing practices and risks of malicious use of artificial intelligence (MUAI) in Sub-Saharan African countries. At the end of the study, the author comes to the conclusion that the problem of ensuring information, psychological, and cybersecurity is common to all African countries, which creates a serious obstacle for their further sustainable social and economic development. Over the past decade, Sub-Saharan Africa has made significant efforts to elaborate a joint vision for counteracting cybercrimes and the malicious use of advanced technologies. But all the attempts to establish effective supranational instruments that would regulate the fight against cyberattacks at the Pan-African level and take into account the interests of the vast majority of African countries in this area have failed. This demonstrates the presence of serious contradictions among African countries, which, taken together, prevent the establishment of mutually beneficial cooperation even in such an important field as cybersecurity. However, until such cooperation is established, it seems unlikely that African countries will even come close to solving this problem, which means that their information space will continue to be subjected to large-scale cyber-attacks that pose a serious threat not only to the security of individuals, but also to national and Pan-African security.","PeriodicalId":55752,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik RUDN International Relations","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88835044","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Large AI Spaces and Russia’s Strategy in the Context of the “Sanctions War”","authors":"R. Vykhodets","doi":"10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-2-256-270","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-2-256-270","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the study of the role of technological development in the field of artificial intelligence (AI) in the international political processes, the formation of large policy spaces in the field of AI, as well as the development of Russia in this area. The author provides an analysis of national AI strategies, examines the priority spheres and directions of development of these technologies for different countries, the availability of resources for the goals set, and the specifics of national AI policies of the leading states. The article compares the data on the volume of funding for AI developments, patent activities, and the existing infrastructure for high-performance computing in the countries, that occupy leading positions in the field of AI. The paper provides a brief overview of the key scientific and technological areas that are crucial for the creation of next-generation AI technologies: quantum computing and neuromorphic technologies within the framework of existing major national projects on the study of the brain. The author devotes a special place to the study of international political aspects of technological development in the field of AI in the work. From the perspective of the impact of AI policy on integration processes, the conclusion is made about the formation of two spaces: the first unites the OECD countries with the unconditional leadership of the USA and the EU in the field of research, development, infrastructure, resources, and international standards. The second, restrained space, relies on the technological and financial power of China, where are starting to get involved countries, including Russia, that are facing with narrowing range of opportunities for cooperation with Western countries. The author concludes that the confrontation between the two AI spaces is influenced by a more general trend of decoupling of the economies of the USA and China, which in turn contributes to technological isolation trends at the global level. A special place in the article is devoted to the analysis of the development of AI technologies in Russia; it considers official documents, leading players, and Russia’s positions at the international level. The possible directions of Russia’s cooperation with the world leading players are considered, which allows to develop AI technologies and at the same time maintain technological sovereignty in this area.","PeriodicalId":55752,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik RUDN International Relations","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84872677","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}