{"title":"Institutionalization of Media Market in Greek Political System","authors":"J. Knopek","doi":"10.14746/pp.2022.27.4.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/pp.2022.27.4.6","url":null,"abstract":"The article points to the process of the institutionalization of the Greek media market. This process began to take shape after the country’s accession to the European structures, i.e. after 1981. Successively since the late 1980s, it has been shaped based on new initiatives, forms and activities. However, this process is not yet completed due to the changes that have taken place over the last decade. At that time, the members of the National Broadcasting Council, for procedural reasons related to the mode of appointment to this Council, were unable to grant or renew broadcasting licences, which led to a media crisis. In addition, the Greek state was on the brink of solvency due to the condition of its finances. The new government created another media related institution, this time the General Secretariat for Information and Communication, which reported directly to the Prime Minister, and its aim was to control the press, radio and television market. Apart from the leading institutions, supporting bodies are also responsible for the Greek media market. To a large extent, they (such as ministries or central offices like the Telecommunications and Postal Commission) existed much earlier and some media powers were handed over to them to assist the leading institutions in fulfilling their functions. Outside of this area, there was content disseminated on the Internet, which came under the control of a special unit established within the police structures.","PeriodicalId":52588,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Politologiczny","volume":"184 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67380533","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"François Jullien and the Methodological Viewpoint Presented in his Detour and Access. Strategies of Meaning in China and Greece. Hermeneutical Perspective","authors":"Tomasz R. Szymczyński","doi":"10.14746/pp.2022.27.4.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/pp.2022.27.4.3","url":null,"abstract":"François Jullien’s Detour and Access. Strategies of Meaning in China and Greece may be interpreted as an interesting example of the methodological challenge that arises around the question: to what extent does a specific strategy of meaning (stratégie du sens) taken as the subject of research influences the form and content of the results of this research? In addition, this may be viewed backward as well: to what extent a specific assumption regarding the form and content of research may affect its results? From this point of view, it is worth noting two fundamental tasks that constitute almost continuously double-intertwined obstacles in the narrative attempts of the Chinese cultural area. On the one hand, frequently observable chains of different proposals of translations of words and sentences. On the other hand, the presence of different strategies of meaning, which, in a way that is often not easy to grasp, influence the shape of “what” and “how” had been said, suggested, or maintained unexpressed at all. In this context, Jullien emphasizes the difference between “the word as definition” (la parole de définition) characteristic of the mainstream of Western culture and “the word as indication” (la parole indicielle), which the French philosopher attributes to articulations frequently occurring in the space of Chinese culture. Thus, there is a difference here within strategies that articulate meaning, which extends between what is general, and therefore abstract or abstracted, and what is holistic, and therefore constituting an inseparable unity. So, on the one hand, we are dealing with “knowing”, on the other hand, with “realizing”. This distinction underlines an extremely important challenge in the field of methodology, which should direct our attention to issues related solely to the scientific and philosophical thought devoted to human beings, and which is particularly clearly present with such attempts of interpretations at cross-cultural and multilingual insights.","PeriodicalId":52588,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Politologiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67380386","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Postal Voting In the 2020 Presidential Election – How Did Electoral Participation Evolved During the COVID-19 Pandemic?","authors":"Magdalena Musiał-Karg","doi":"10.14746/pp.2022.27.4.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/pp.2022.27.4.2","url":null,"abstract":"Issues related to electoral participation are extremely complex, not least because of the different approaches of researchers to the issue. The COVID-19 pandemic has contributed to specialists, lawyers, political scientists addressing the issue of electoral participation in the context of public health risks and the implementation of the principle of universality of elections. \u0000In order to provide greater guarantee of the principle of universality, many countries are introducing additional forms of voting in elections other than voting at the polling station. Postal voting is one of the alternative voting methods that appears to be the most popular in terms of participation in elections. It exists in different forms in different countries. In Poland, in 2020, there were attempts to implement all-postal voting at first, and then – after the second elections were held – it was decided to use hybrid voting. \u0000The aim of this article is to analyze the Polish experience with postal voting in 2020 in the context of the implementation of this tool during the pandemic.","PeriodicalId":52588,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Politologiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67380480","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Prepared for the SARS-CoV-2 Coronavirus? In Search of the Determinants of the Reaction to the First Wave of the COVID-19 Pandemic – the Case of Warsaw and Stockholm","authors":"Kamil Glinka","doi":"10.14746/pp.2022.27.4.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/pp.2022.27.4.5","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the activity of municipal self-government administration during the COVID-19 pandemic. The aim of the article is to answer the question about the factors determining the reaction to the so-called first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic which was experienced by the municipal self-government administration of the two European cities: Warsaw (“hard” reaction) and Stockholm (“soft” reaction). Due to the hypothesis that the predictive and responsive potential of the municipal self-government administration of Warsaw and Stockholm differentiates their reaction to the so-called first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, it was decided to use several research methods: comparative analysis, analysis of legal acts, analysis of statistical data and elements of system analysis. The conducted research proves that it is difficult to indicate the relationship between the predictive and responsive potential of the municipal self-government administration of Warsaw and Stockholm and its reaction to the so-called first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. The sources of the difference in this reaction should therefore be sought in other factors.","PeriodicalId":52588,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Politologiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67380635","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Democracy and Freedom in Turbulent Times. Poland’s Membership of the European Union as the Final Process of Integration after 1989","authors":"A. Janecki, Waldemar Sługocki","doi":"10.14746/pp.2022.27.4.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/pp.2022.27.4.8","url":null,"abstract":"Every country has symbolic dates in its history. The necessary political, social, and economic transformation after 1989 required costly changes. The prospect, and then the realization of Poland’s aspiration to become a member of the European Union has turned us from a former Soviet-influenced bloc country into a fully-fledged member of the European family. All thanks to May 1, 2004. Since then, this date has been the foundation, and a new chapter in Poland’s recent history. Poland has confidently entered a new political, economic, and, above all, civilizational space. The aim of the article was to show the way to this important event which changed Poland’s place in Europe forever.","PeriodicalId":52588,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Politologiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67380460","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Police In-Between Apoliticality and Politicality","authors":"R. Bäcker","doi":"10.14746/pp.2022.27.4.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/pp.2022.27.4.1","url":null,"abstract":"The paper aims to construct a theoretical tool that allows for possible precise location of relations between the police and the ruling elite in a given country. Their relationship is between the ideal types of apoliticality and politicality. The five stages of the relationship between the ruling elite and the bureaucracy on a continuum between the ideal type of the apolitical Weberian bureaucracy and its antinomic ideal type of politicised system of patronage can be arranged as follows: self-regulation, personal independence, uncertainty, loyalty, and enhanced loyalty. The empirical usefulness test of these stages scheme consisting in the case study of one state characterised by a large range of autocratic and democratic regimes evolution (thus post-war Poland) was positive. Relations between the police, or more precisely: the Citizens’ Militia, in the period of the Polish People’s Republic can be defined as being at the stage of enhanced, double loyalty. In the period of the Third Polish Republic, relations between the police and the ruling elites can be placed at the fourth stage – loyalty. The few attempts to change this type of relationship and move to the stage of self-regulation or personal independence remained at the level of ineffective and temporary attempts at best.","PeriodicalId":52588,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Politologiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67379864","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Economic Empowerment Through Community Village","authors":"Vera Yusnita, N. Tresiana, I. Meutia","doi":"10.14746/pp.2022.27.4.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/pp.2022.27.4.9","url":null,"abstract":"The Nusantara Tangguh village is a program initiated by the Indonesian National Police to reduce the spread of COVID-19 in the community, gradually restoring economic conditions. The governance must stabilize the Economic conditions, and it is necessary to empower the community and micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs). This research is a type of qualitative research using a case study approach. The purpose of the study was to determine the implementation of the Nusantara Tangguh village policy with the Penthahelix model and economic changes in Pinang Jaya Village, Kemiling District. The results of the research on the performance of the Nusantara’s Tangguh village policy were carried out by five stakeholders, namely academics, business, community, government, and media, as well as economic changes for micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs) and the community so that economic empowerment carried out by stakeholders went well.","PeriodicalId":52588,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Politologiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67380273","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Poles Towards Energy Transformation and Energy Sources – Sociological Perspective","authors":"Tomasz Herudziński, Piotr Swacha","doi":"10.14746/pp.2022.27.3.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/pp.2022.27.3.7","url":null,"abstract":"The article presents the results of research on the issues of Poland’s energy transformation from a sociological perspective. The exploratory analysis covered the attitude of the Polish society to the energy transformation, i.e. a change in the methods of generating energy in Poland, which results from the climate policy adopted by the Polish government.1 The aim of the article is to present social awareness – the social expectations and perceptions of Poles regarding the energy transformation understood in this way – to determine whether the opinions and views of the Polish society are in line with the planned and implemented energy transformation processes. The article provides an answer to the question about the Polish society’s attitudes towards the energy transformation and energy sources – to what extent the attitudes towards the proposed solutions to the problems are positive, and to what extent negative. For this purpose, the method of analysing the existing statistical data was used The basis of the secondary data analysis are the results of public opinion polls, carried out by the Public Opinion Research Centre (CBOS) in the period from 19872 to 2021. The sociological perspective adopted here assumes that the energy transformation is not only an economic but also a social process. For this reason, public support, in particular the positive attitude of respondents to new energy sources, is considered an important element of its success.","PeriodicalId":52588,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Politologiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67379722","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"‘More Social’ Means ‘More Flawed’: How New Media is Contributing to the Breakdown of Polish Democracy","authors":"J. Jakubowski, Beata Pająk-Patkowska","doi":"10.14746/pp.2022.27.3.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/pp.2022.27.3.4","url":null,"abstract":"It is no coincidence that anti-democratic changes in the recent years in Poland occurred alongside the rapid development of social media. Technologically advanced methods of discourse management (e.g., behavioral targeting) have successfully exploited the poor understanding of social media mechanisms among Poles1 (Drzewiecki, 2010) and created a fertile ground for undermining liberal democracy. Social media have endangered public debate by facilitating the spread of hate speech, fake news, deep fakes, trivialization of public discourse, astroturfing,2 and the use of bots for propaganda purposes. It seems that in the young and unstable Polish democracy, the combination of anti-democratic forces and dynamic development of social media poses a unique threat to the development of society.","PeriodicalId":52588,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Politologiczny","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49653060","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Democracy and Institutional Political Subjectness: Comparative Study for Europe and Central Asia","authors":"Nataliia Natalina","doi":"10.14746/pp.2022.27.3.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14746/pp.2022.27.3.2","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents the results of a comparative analysis of political institutions in different types of regimes through indicators of their political subjectness, namely governance effectiveness, government’s future orientation and institutional trust. The correlation between these indicators and the level of democratisation for 50 countries in Europe and Central Asia as of 2021 and in the dynamics of the last 15 years is calculated on the basis of a broad empirical database. The influence of new world order trends, such as the development of a network society, the digitalisation of the political field and the influence of international financial institutions, on institutional political subjectness is explored. The author concludes that consolidated democracies and autocracies have a higher level of political subjectness than hybrid regimes. Democracies are more effective in governance, but autocracies are more perceived by their citizens as capable of providing political stability and a long-term vision for the future. As a result, autocratic regimes have a higher dynamic of institutional trust. Hybrid regimes demonstrate a greater propensity for authoritarian political institutions and traditions than for democratic ones.","PeriodicalId":52588,"journal":{"name":"Przeglad Politologiczny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67380034","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}