Frontiers in Political Science最新文献_第6页

Artificial intelligence and voting advice applications 人工智能和投票咨询应用

Frontiers in Political Science Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2024.1286893

Kostas Gemenis

引用次数: 0

Does direct democracy increase civic virtues? A systematic literature review 直接民主会增加公民美德吗？系统文献综述

Frontiers in Political Science Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2024.1287330

Laurent Bernhard

{"title":"Does direct democracy increase civic virtues? A systematic literature review","authors":"Laurent Bernhard","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2024.1287330","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2024.1287330","url":null,"abstract":"Due to widespread citizen disenchantment with representative democracy, the introduction of direct-democratic institutions is often promoted as a promising remedy to overcome the current democratic crisis. Theorists of participatory democracy have argued that direct democracy can foster civic virtues, given that the opportunity to participate in referendums and initiatives is generally expected to empower and enlighten citizens. By conducting a systematic literature review, this article aims to provide an overview of scholarship on how direct democracy delivers on its promise to increase individual civic virtues. To that end, it focuses on the effects of direct democracy on those four areas to which scholars have devoted much attention so far: (1) electoral turnout, (2) external and internal efficacy, (3) political knowledge, and (4) subjective wellbeing and satisfaction with democracy. Based on 67 selected studies, it turns out that there is only little positive overall effect of direct democracy on civic virtues, with a great deal of variation. The empirical analysis establishes a negative time trend, indicating that researchers have increasingly reported negative findings over the years. This main result calls into question the expectations advanced by the theorists of participatory democracy and gives some credit to more skeptical views. This review concludes by providing scholars with new avenues for research.","PeriodicalId":502753,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":"250 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140481016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Gender roles and political ideology in the pandemic: experimental evidence from Western Europe 大流行病中的性别角色和政治意识形态：来自西欧的实验证据

Frontiers in Political Science Pub Date : 2024-01-09 DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1325138

Christophe Lesschaeve, Josip Glaurdić, Conchita D'Ambrosio, Claus Vögele

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The ongoing debate on NBTs and possible roads for the future 关于非关税壁垒的持续辩论和未来可能的道路

Frontiers in Political Science Pub Date : 2024-01-09 DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1284527

Simona Romeo Lironcurti, Federica Demaria, Angelo Quarto, Roberto Solazzo

{"title":"The ongoing debate on NBTs and possible roads for the future","authors":"Simona Romeo Lironcurti, Federica Demaria, Angelo Quarto, Roberto Solazzo","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1284527","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1284527","url":null,"abstract":"There are marked differences in the approaches that regulate genetically modified (GM) products and the new breeding techniques (NBTs) in the European Union (EU) and in other areas of the world. Through the review of regulations and ongoing discussions, we show that the world can be divided in two groups based on the discrepancies in the approach of the country's regulations. On the one hand, Europe, with the main countries of Asia and Africa, regulates New Breeding Techniques as a genetically modified organism. On the other, a group of countries mainly located in the American continent, together with Australia, adopted a case-by-case approach, and are generally at a more advanced stage in the implementation of these new techniques. The paper aims to evaluate the possible evolution in the countries' regulations on the use of NBTs in the next years. The division between Western and Eastern countries of the world is confirmed, with some interesting movements in some regions. Greater uniformity among national regulations would be desirable to promote the implementation of biotechnologies in agriculture. The main research findings are that most EU Member States have taken a conservative position, whereas the Eastern group is more advanced and this could be a driving force for some regions toward acceptance of these technologies in the coming years.","PeriodicalId":502753,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":"42 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139442279","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Minority bonding to political self-efficacy: a case study on bonding and bridging social capital and political self-efficacy among adolescents in Finland 少数群体与政治自我效能的联系：关于芬兰青少年的联系与桥梁社会资本和政治自我效能的案例研究

Frontiers in Political Science Pub Date : 2024-01-08 DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1270065

Venla Hannuksela, Aino Tiihonen

{"title":"Minority bonding to political self-efficacy: a case study on bonding and bridging social capital and political self-efficacy among adolescents in Finland","authors":"Venla Hannuksela, Aino Tiihonen","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1270065","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1270065","url":null,"abstract":"While social capital is claimed to predict, for example, a higher level of trust, better health, and higher voter turnout, its uneven distribution causes concern in society. In this study, we examine which aspects of social capital are connected to political self-efficacy, which is an important predictor of political participation and associated with for example political interest. According to our knowledge, there is a research gap both in terms of studies focusing on analyzing the effect of minority status on political self-efficacy via social capital and studies analyzing these patterns among adolescents living their formative years. In this article we test this mediating effect of social capital among majority and minority adolescents since minorities can be expected to have relatively more bonding social capital and less bridging social capital. In the Finnish context, this is particularly interesting since the Swedish-speaking minority is praised for its high level of social capital that is suggested to explain a lot of its success ranging from better health to a higher turnout compared with the majority. Analyzing a nationwide dataset of 15–16-year-old students (N = 5,189) completing their final year of comprehensive education in Finland in a multilevel structural equation model, we discover that belonging to the Swedish-speaking minority seems to strengthen bonding social capital (social networks, and community). The civic participation, community, and social networks aspects of social capital are positively connected to the level of political self-efficacy, while generalized trust has no connection to it. All these findings indicate that societies should take measures to strengthen bridging and bonding social capital among both adolescents and minorities.","PeriodicalId":502753,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":"57 45","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139447150","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Cultural narrative, crisis, and contention in Iceland's bid to join the European Union, 2009–2015 2009-2015 年冰岛争取加入欧盟过程中的文化叙事、危机和争议

Frontiers in Political Science Pub Date : 2024-01-08 DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1017285

H. Hallgrímsdóttir, Michael J. Carpenter, Emmanuel Brunet-Jailly, Maximilian Conrad

{"title":"Cultural narrative, crisis, and contention in Iceland's bid to join the European Union, 2009–2015","authors":"H. Hallgrímsdóttir, Michael J. Carpenter, Emmanuel Brunet-Jailly, Maximilian Conrad","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1017285","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1017285","url":null,"abstract":"In the wake of the 2008 global financial crisis, Iceland launched a bid to join the European Union. Joining the EU was presented domestically as a key to economic recovery and as a preventative measure against future economic distress. The bid itself was framed within a rapidly shifting political landscape, set against a backdrop of spreading economic malaise across Europe, accompanied by economic bailout plans and austerity measures. Several aspects of the bid's ultimate failure demonstrate the importance of identities and narratives around national independence and European integration. Most saliently, widespread perceptions about what it would mean to join the EU, particularly around sensitive notions of sovereignty, proved insurmountable to the more economistic rationale of the pro-EU campaign. The Icelandic bid thus presents a distinct opportunity to drill down into the complex relationships between austerity economics, popular politics, and the European integration project, with significant policy implications. To better understand the emergence of the bid and its failure in sociopolitical terms we assess different conceptual frameworks, including functionalist, intergovernmentalist, and post-functionalist approaches and theoretical perspectives on crisis and contentious politics. We also include voices of Icelandic citizens from civil society and government collected in research interviews between 2012 and 2018. Overall, our comparative theoretical approach and original case data sharpen an emphasis in the social sciences and policy research on the importance of cultural narrative and identity as key determinants of EU integration.","PeriodicalId":502753,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":"5 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139445888","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Strategies of state penetration: a network analysis of community governance in Shanghai 国家渗透战略：上海社区治理的网络分析

Frontiers in Political Science Pub Date : 2024-01-08 DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1332167

Felicia F. Tian, Lin Chen, Yihan Wang

{"title":"Strategies of state penetration: a network analysis of community governance in Shanghai","authors":"Felicia F. Tian, Lin Chen, Yihan Wang","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1332167","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1332167","url":null,"abstract":"The Chinese state has been found to penetrate community participation to strengthen state infrastructure power, but understanding of these strategies remains equivocal.This paper collect complete network data from a sample of 112 residents who were active in community activities in Kang community in Shanghai, China. Kang is an award-winning community for its active participation and excellent governance. We examine the strategies of state penetration on the relation between residents' committee (RC) and the thick network through routine community activities.The network is indeed horizontal (rather than hierarchical) around the RC. Instead of manifesting state power, popularity within the network translates to decision-making power in deciding routine community activities. However, residents with high network popularity are affiliated with the state, and this association may be generated by the state itself through a deliberate process of cultivation and co-optation.These findings shed light on the nuanced strategies of state penetration. Rather than overt suppression or infiltration, the state exerts authority over a horizontal network, which ensures that self-organized community participation occurs under state domination.","PeriodicalId":502753,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":"47 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139446139","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Equality via bottom-up referendums? The role of initiators 通过自下而上的全民投票实现平等？发起者的作用

Frontiers in Political Science Pub Date : 2024-01-08 DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1272115

Brigitte Geißel, Anna Krämling

{"title":"Equality via bottom-up referendums? The role of initiators","authors":"Brigitte Geißel, Anna Krämling","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1272115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1272115","url":null,"abstract":"Direct democratic instruments are discussed by politicians and academia as a means to bring citizens “back in” and thereby to increase support for democracy. Especially bottom-up referenda are expected to offer disadvantaged groups an opportunity to put their issues on the agenda. Yet, the question remains open whether they are really successful in this regard. Are disadvantaged groups able to pursue their interests via direct democratic instruments? Or are (successful) bottom-up referenda mostly initiated by groups that are already influential to further improve their status? Encompassing, comparative research is missing. In order to close these research gaps, this paper addresses the following questions empirically: (1) Which groups initiate bottom-up votes? (2) How do the bills proposed by different groups relate to equality? And finally, (3) which bills succeed at the ballot? To answer these questions, we employ a descriptive analysis of all national direct democratic votes in European democracies between 1990 and 2015. We detect that bottom-up direct democratic instruments can give disadvantaged groups an opportunity to put their issues on the agenda. Our findings can serve as a basis for further, in-depth statistical analyses.","PeriodicalId":502753,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":"9 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139445162","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The impact of far-right political orientation and cultural values on conservative attitudes toward life and death in Europe: a multilevel approach 极右翼政治倾向和文化价值观对欧洲保守派生死态度的影响：一种多层次方法

Frontiers in Political Science Pub Date : 2024-01-08 DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1159916

Alice Ramos, Cícero Roberto Pereira, Natalia Soboleva, Meda Vaitonytė

{"title":"The impact of far-right political orientation and cultural values on conservative attitudes toward life and death in Europe: a multilevel approach","authors":"Alice Ramos, Cícero Roberto Pereira, Natalia Soboleva, Meda Vaitonytė","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1159916","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1159916","url":null,"abstract":"Belief systems are core organizing factors of social attitudes and behaviors, and their study has highlighted the role of conservatism as a contributing mechanism in mitigating concerns associated with change avoidance, as well as the reduction of uncertainty and ambiguity in life. Moreover, these aspects seem to be consistently used as powerful tools in the political and social discourse of the far-right. Life and death ethics are an example of issues that deal with the need for stability and control over personal and social life that people endorsing conservative values seek to attain. There is a rich line of studies on the individual and social explanatory factors of political conservatism, but less attention has been dedicated to moral conservatism as an autonomous and meaningful concept. The current research follows a multilevel approach to disentangle the individual and contextual correlates of conservative attitudes toward life and death. Thus, besides looking at the influence of individual choices related to religion and political orientation, this study also seeks to analyse the impact of the context, introducing in the model variables measuring economic performance, social and gender inequality, religious diversity and the prevalence of materialism and post-materialism values. Multilevel models using data from the 34 countries that participated in the last wave of the European Values Study (2017–2020), revealed an association between far-right orientation and conservative attitudes toward life and death, and that this relationship is moderated by materialism/post-materialism values, economic performance, and social inequality. Our findings reinforce the role of democracy as an environment where freedom of choice and thought are indisputable rights, cherished by most of the populations, regardless of their political position or their stance on moral issues.","PeriodicalId":502753,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":"43 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139446433","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Awareness of opinion change: evidence from two deliberative mini-publics 对舆论变化的认识：来自两个小型公众议事机构的证据

Frontiers in Political Science Pub Date : 2024-01-05 DOI: 10.3389/fpos.2023.1300149

Staffan Himmelroos, Henrik Serup Christensen

{"title":"Awareness of opinion change: evidence from two deliberative mini-publics","authors":"Staffan Himmelroos, Henrik Serup Christensen","doi":"10.3389/fpos.2023.1300149","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2023.1300149","url":null,"abstract":"Although opinion changes during discussions and negotiations have been studied extensively in different fields of research, surprisingly little effort has been put into studying whether people correctly recognize that they revised their opinions. This is important because it has implications for both the cognitive mechanisms underpinning these changes and their likely consequences. We in this study examine whether participants in two deliberative mini-publics (DMP) were able to determine the extent to which they revised their opinions (DMP1 = 135; DMP2 = 207). We measure awareness with two questions asking respondents to indicate the extent to which their opinions and views changed during the processes, while we ascertain the actual developments with three measures that capture developments in opinions and attitude consistency. Our results suggest that people are generally unaware of revising their opinions during these processes, and it is only for drastic opinion changes that people have some level of awareness. The difference in how people perceive opinion change compared to how they respond to statements about policy issues shows that probing opinion changes by asking people directly about this can be problematic from a methodological standpoint.","PeriodicalId":502753,"journal":{"name":"Frontiers in Political Science","volume":"37 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139381668","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0