{"title":"Non-agreeing degree constructions","authors":"Jon Ander Mendia, M.Teresa Espinal","doi":"10.1017/s0022226724000148","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022226724000148","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This paper deals with a construction, which we dub Non-Agreeing Degree (NAD) constructions, with the distinguishing property that the agreement pattern between subjects and degree predicates is optionally disrupted, even in languages (like Spanish) where verbs commonly agree with their subjects. We show that the agreeing versus non-agreeing alternation comes with important semantic differences for the interpretation of the degree construction. We provide a first systematic description of this type of constructions and postulate a formal syntactic and semantic analysis. We argue that NAD constructions are characterized by degree predicates that introduce a non-conventional nominal scale and by subjects that are interpreted as equally non-conventional units of measurement. We postulate an intensionalization process on the subject of NAD constructions, which we capture via a general nominalization function that allows a default as well as an ordinary agreement pattern between subject and copula.</p>","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"52 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141254575","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Separability of dependents from VP in English: Beyond the argument/adjunct distinction","authors":"Andrew McInnerney","doi":"10.1017/s0022226724000069","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022226724000069","url":null,"abstract":"This paper considers the traditional idea about English that syntactic operations targeting Verb Phrase (VP), including <jats:italic>do so</jats:italic>-anaphora, <jats:italic>do what</jats:italic>-pseudoclefting and VP-fronting, can separate adjuncts but not arguments from the VP. I argue that, in each case, the argument/adjunct distinction (A/AD) makes incorrect predictions and that the behavior of verbal dependents is more accurately explained without reference to the A/AD. With <jats:italic>do so</jats:italic>-anaphora and <jats:italic>do what</jats:italic>-pseudoclefting, I show that the behavior of a variety of Prepositional Phrase (PP) dependents is better explained by the lexical properties of the verb <jats:italic>do</jats:italic>: a PP’s ability to occur with <jats:italic>do so</jats:italic>-anaphora/<jats:italic>do what</jats:italic>-pseudoclefting depends on the PP’s independent compatibility with the lexical verb do. On VP-fronting, I show that apparent stranding of arguments and adjuncts poses major problems for A/AD-based analyses and suggest apparent stranding is better analyzed as extraposition. These results weaken an important motivation for the idea that adjuncts attach to a higher projection in the VP than arguments do.","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-04-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140625582","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Mutation, allomorphy and Galician clitics","authors":"Itamar Kastner","doi":"10.1017/s0022226724000070","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022226724000070","url":null,"abstract":"The Galician definite article and direct object clitics exhibit allomorphy-like alternations which raise a number of questions for the morphology-phonology interface. This squib highlights inadequacies of allomorphic approaches to these alternations, outlining a novel way forward in which segmental changes apply to a stem in a fashion reminiscent of Celtic mutation. Differences between the article and the object clitic can then be ascribed to their prosodic weights, evident elsewhere in the language. Taken together, these findings expand our view of potential triggers for morphophonological alternations.","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"62 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-04-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140579603","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Chinese copy raising and its implications for predication","authors":"Hsiao-Hung Iris Wu","doi":"10.1017/s0022226724000057","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022226724000057","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the copy raising constructions in Chinese and proposes an integrated analysis built on the insights of the prominent proposals from recent years. It argues that the matrix subject in Chinese copy raising is base-generated and requires a coindexed copy in the complement. Though concurring with Landau’s (2011) predication theory that recognizes theta assignment and predication as two ways of semantically licensing an argument, this squib differs from him in assuming that languages like Chinese can be parametrized in not treating the perceptual source as thematic. It is further argued that in Chinese, the perceptual source construal of the subject does not come from theta assignment but rather as an implicature which interprets the matrix subject to be involved in the topic event denoted by the perception verb.","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"45 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140579641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Predrag Kovačević, Stefan Milosavljević, Marko Simonović
{"title":"Theme-vowel minimal pairs show argument structure alternations","authors":"Predrag Kovačević, Stefan Milosavljević, Marko Simonović","doi":"10.1017/s0022226723000415","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022226723000415","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This paper investigates correlations between theme vowels and argument structure in Serbo-Croatian. Specifically, we focus on two different theme vowels, -<span>i</span>- and -<span>ova</span>-, isolating ‘minimal pairs’, that is cases where the same base combines with the two theme vowels to derive different verbs. Starting from two online corpora of Serbo-Croatian, we created a comprehensive list of -<span>i</span>-/-<span>ova</span>- minimal pairs. For all pairs in the list whose both members were attested at least 50 times in the corpora, we randomly selected 50 tokens per verb and annotated them for transitivity. A statistical comparison of -<span>i</span>- and -<span>ova</span>- verbs according to the proportions of transitive uses was carried out. The findings show that -<span>i</span>- verbs are much more likely to be used transitively than -<span>ova</span>- verbs. This finding corroborates the view that theme vowels are associated with argument structure properties and challenges the idea that they are universally ‘ornamental’ pieces of morphology without syntactic/semantic import. Based on these and supplementary (non-corpus) data, we claim that -<span>i</span>- derives transitives and unaccusatives, while -<span>ova</span>- derives unergatives. We propose a model couched in Distributed Morphology whereby these two theme vowels are treated as instantiations of different ‘flavors of <span>v</span>’.</p>","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140579883","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Intransparent-Gap Relatives in Japanese","authors":"Tohru Seraku","doi":"10.1017/s0022226723000373","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022226723000373","url":null,"abstract":"In the present article, we describe what we call <jats:italic>Intransparent-Gap Relatives</jats:italic> (IGRs) in Japanese. In IGRs, a gap is located within the relative clause, and the head noun appears outside the relative clause. Unlike the standard head-external relatives, the gap in IGRs is not transparently associated with the head noun, but they are mediated through a metonymic relation. We propose a formal account of IGRs in terms of incremental parsing in Dynamic Syntax: an IGR string is processed in a left-to-right manner, and a semantic structure is progressively built up. This account unifies the standard head-external relatives and IGRs, relegating their differences to the ways in which the head noun is parsed and construed against the relative clause structure. Confirmation of this analysis comes from cross-constructional and cross-linguistic considerations. First, the analysis predicts that a metonymic reading is available in relatives but not in other rightward-displacement constructions, such as clefts and postposing. Second, the analysis suggests that IGRs are possible in languages such as Japanese and Korean, where the relative clause is processed before the head noun, but not in languages such as English and French, where the head noun is processed before the relative clause.","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140204616","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Processing dissociations between raising and control in Brazilian Portuguese","authors":"Doug Merchant, Timothy Gupton","doi":"10.1017/s002222672400001x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s002222672400001x","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Generative approaches to syntactic control have traditionally viewed it as a distinct component of the grammar, one that governs the interpretation and distribution of the <span>empty category</span> (EC) PRO. However, the M<span>ovement</span> T<span>heory of</span> C<span>ontrol</span> (MTC) proposes that control should instead be conceived of as a form of raising, with both sentence types involving the EC DP/NP T<span>race</span>. In addition to theoretical arguments, some behavioral research on antecedent reactivation has demonstrated that different ECs reactivate their antecedents to different degrees and at different points in the time course of comprehension. In this study, we used a cross-modal repetition priming paradigm to examine antecedent reactivation in Brazilian Portuguese. We found significantly greater activation at the gap position in raising sentences and in those with overt pronouns as compared to (exhaustive) control sentences, consistent with the standard account of raising and the traditional view of control as involving a distinct EC. Additionally, we found some evidence for a differentiation between exhaustive and partial control structures. Overall, our results suggest that 1) similar linguistic mechanisms are employed in the processing of sentences that involve overt pronouns and DP/NP traces, and 2) different mechanisms are employed in the processing of raising and control structures, a finding we view as inconsistent with the MTC.</p>","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"152 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-03-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140098567","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Shift is derived","authors":"ANDREW LAMONT","doi":"10.1017/s0022226723000294","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022226723000294","url":null,"abstract":"Shift is an input–output mapping where a feature or autosegment loses its underlying associations and surfaces with different associations. In Harmonic Serialism, shift can either be analyzed as a multi-step process or a single-step process. While Gietz et al. (2023) argue for the latter, this paper refutes their arguments and provides evidence supporting a multi-step analysis of shift. Specifically, it demonstrates that shift in Kibondei and Halkomelem, the languages analyzed by Gietz et al. (2023), does not require a single-step shift operation and that the analyses they present are empirically inadequate. Typological modeling not only reinforces the result that a single-step shift operation is superfluous but demonstrates that grammars with such an operation undergenerate with respect to the attested typology.","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"55 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-02-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139757447","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Fuzhen Si & Luigi Rizzi (eds.), Current issues in syntactic cartography: A crosslinguistic perspective. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2021. Pp. vi + 327.","authors":"Haoyue Hu","doi":"10.1017/s0022226723000348","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022226723000348","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"40 30","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-01-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139442492","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Parsability revisited and reassessed","authors":"Sergei Monakhov","doi":"10.1017/s0022226723000385","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022226723000385","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This paper provides evidence that the inveterate way of assessing linguistic items’ degrees of analysability by calculating their derivation to base frequency ratios may obfuscate the difference between two meaning processing models: one based on the principle of compositionality and another on the principle of parsability. I propose to capture the difference between these models by estimating the ratio of two transitional probabilities for complex words: P (affix | base) and P (base | affix). When transitional probabilities are comparably low, each of the elements entering into combination is equally free to vary. The combination itself is judged by speakers to be semantically transparent, and its derivational element tends to be more linguistically productive. In contrast, multi-morphemic words that are characterised by greater discrepancies between transitional probabilities are similar to collocations in the sense that they also consist of a node (conditionally independent element) and a collocate (conditionally dependent element). Such linguistic expressions are also considered to be semantically complex but appear less transparent because the collocate’s meaning does not coincide with the meaning of the respective free element (even if it exists) and has to be parsed out from what is available.</p>","PeriodicalId":47027,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Linguistics","volume":"141 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2024-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139079659","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}