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The legislative role of the Russian Duma and the Kazakh Mazhilis: authoritarianism and power sharing in post-Soviet Eurasia 俄罗斯杜马和哈萨克斯坦马日利斯的立法角色:后苏联欧亚大陆的威权主义和权力分享
IF 2.2 2区 社会学
Post-Soviet Affairs Pub Date : 2021-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1970956
G. Krol
{"title":"The legislative role of the Russian Duma and the Kazakh Mazhilis: authoritarianism and power sharing in post-Soviet Eurasia","authors":"G. Krol","doi":"10.1080/1060586X.2021.1970956","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1970956","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Russian Duma and the Kazakh Mazhilis are typical examples of formally democratic legislatures in authoritarian regimes. This article investigates their role and asks why different authoritarian legislatures have different levels of law-making activity. Neo-institutionalist scholarship argues that legislatures stabilize authoritarian regimes by institutionalizing access to decision-making, but this literature requires further evidence showing which factors stimulate a parliament’s law-making function. The analysis uses an original dataset on 7,564 bills in Russia and Kazakhstan between 2000 and 2016 to explore how different power-sharing arrangements affect the legislative output of both parliaments. The results show that the Duma is much more active in terms of initiating laws and amending executive bills because of its highly differentiated committee system. Nevertheless, both legislatures have become more active after electoral contestedness decreased when United Russia and Nur Otan emerged. This suggests that internal parliamentary organization stimulates law-making activity, whereas electoral contestedness obstructs collective decision-making.","PeriodicalId":46960,"journal":{"name":"Post-Soviet Affairs","volume":"37 1","pages":"559 - 577"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45714225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Political foundations of state support for civil society: analysis of the distribution of presidential grants in Russia 国家支持民间社会的政治基础：俄罗斯总统拨款分配分析
IF 2.2 2区 社会学
Post-Soviet Affairs Pub Date : 2021-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1976575
V. Bederson, A. Semenov
{"title":"Political foundations of state support for civil society: analysis of the distribution of presidential grants in Russia","authors":"V. Bederson, A. Semenov","doi":"10.1080/1060586X.2021.1976575","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1976575","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT We argue that limited authoritarian regimes like Putin’s Russia have to work out a delicate balance between suppressing civil society and buying its loyalty by allocating funds to the organizations willing to cooperate with the regime. Using the data on the distribution of presidential grants among civil society organizations working on human rights projects in 2017–2018, we show that organizations whose leaders take part in consultative bodies and pro-governmental organizations such as the All-Russian People’s Front receive larger amounts of money on average. Organizations with links to the parliamentary parties also have some premium in grant disbursement, while affiliation with the ruling party does not increase the amount of funding. These findings imply some degree of political bias in state funding for the third sector in Russia. We also found that professionalism matters, and seasoned civil society organizations have considerably more funding than less experienced organizations in the field.","PeriodicalId":46960,"journal":{"name":"Post-Soviet Affairs","volume":"37 1","pages":"544 - 558"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43037963","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Sovereigntism vs. anti-corruption messianism: a salient post-Soviet cleavage of populist mobilization 主权主义与反腐败弥赛亚主义:后苏联时期民粹主义动员的显著分裂
IF 2.2 2区 社会学
Post-Soviet Affairs Pub Date : 2021-10-29 DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1994821
S. Hoppe
{"title":"Sovereigntism vs. anti-corruption messianism: a salient post-Soviet cleavage of populist mobilization","authors":"S. Hoppe","doi":"10.1080/1060586X.2021.1994821","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1994821","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper explores the commonalities of populist mobilizations in the post-Soviet region. It identifies a salient populist cleavage between two political projects that differ fundamentally about their focal point of political action: externalist sovereigntism and internalist anti-corruption messianism. While sovereigntism takes a defensive stance repelling foreign forces hostile to “the people,” anti-corruption messianism offensively tackles cronyism impeding developmental salvation for “the people.” The paper reconstructs six sovereigntist and anti-corruption projects, which have unfolded across different non-democratic regimes in Russia, Armenia, and Ukraine throughout the past decade. It is argued that the conflict between sovereigntism and anti-corruption messianism relates to a twofold, distinctively post-Soviet constellation: uncertainty over conflictual geopolitical abeyance and the exasperation over social closure due to the prevalence of oligarchical patronalism. In this context, both populist projects constitute powerful strategies of solidarity-forging under conditions in which other channels of political articulation have been either blocked or exhausted.","PeriodicalId":46960,"journal":{"name":"Post-Soviet Affairs","volume":"38 1","pages":"251 - 273"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46451660","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
From failing state to strategic partner: analyzing US and NATO political elite images of Georgia and policy implications from 1991 to 2020 从失败的国家到战略伙伴：分析1991年至2020年美国和北约政治精英对格鲁吉亚的形象和政策影响
IF 2.2 2区 社会学
Post-Soviet Affairs Pub Date : 2021-10-07 DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1984106
N. Gamkrelidze
{"title":"From failing state to strategic partner: analyzing US and NATO political elite images of Georgia and policy implications from 1991 to 2020","authors":"N. Gamkrelidze","doi":"10.1080/1060586X.2021.1984106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1984106","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article investigates U.S. and NATO political elite images of Georgia and policy implications from 1991 to 2020. The analysis relies on the author’s 44 original interviews with U.S. and NATO political elites, including U.S. Secretaries and Assistant Secretaries of States, U.S. Generals, Secretaries-General and Deputy Secretaries of NATO, and others in power in the different periods from 1991 to 2020. The study shows that three main images of Georgia have emerged over the 30-year historical period in the eyes of U.S. and NATO political elites. In the first two decades, leadership and personal connections have increased the likelihood of certain policies together with material determinants and ideational factors. In the third decade, personal ties had disappeared, but structural incentives were acknowledged by U.S. and NATO elites which impacted their policies. Moreover, results show that the U.S. relationship with Georgia has been chiefly personalized rather than institutionalized.","PeriodicalId":46960,"journal":{"name":"Post-Soviet Affairs","volume":"37 1","pages":"578 - 599"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43434161","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Democracy promotion in times of autocratization: the case of Poland, 1989–2019 独裁时代的民主促进：以波兰为例，1989年至2019年
IF 2.2 2区 社会学
Post-Soviet Affairs Pub Date : 2021-09-09 DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1975443
Tsveta Petrova, P. Pospieszna
{"title":"Democracy promotion in times of autocratization: the case of Poland, 1989–2019","authors":"Tsveta Petrova, P. Pospieszna","doi":"10.1080/1060586X.2021.1975443","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1975443","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How has the post-2015 democratic rollback in Poland impacted its support for the democratization of Ukraine and Belarus? Conventional wisdom is that countries undergoing autocratization would abandon democracy promotion. In contrast, we provide evidence that even as democracy was undermined at home, Poland continued to provide democracy support abroad, albeit less enthusiastically. We further document that it was not the normative commitment of Polish elites to democracy but the instrumental embeddedness of democracy promotion in Polish foreign and security policies that ensured its survival. Lastly, we find that Poland’s support for democracy abroad now is closer to the new conservative values promoted at home, implemented mostly through state-run or state-controlled programs and less focused on supporting civil and political society abroad. Our paper contributes to the literature on regime promotion by analyzing and theorizing the overlooked question of how foreign policy, including democracy promotion, shifts for countries undergo autocratization.","PeriodicalId":46960,"journal":{"name":"Post-Soviet Affairs","volume":"37 1","pages":"526 - 543"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44142105","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
Mixed signals: what Putin says about gender equality 混合信号:普京关于性别平等的言论
IF 2.2 2区 社会学
Post-Soviet Affairs Pub Date : 2021-09-08 DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1971927
J. Johnson, A. Novitskaya, V. Sperling, L. Sundstrom
{"title":"Mixed signals: what Putin says about gender equality","authors":"J. Johnson, A. Novitskaya, V. Sperling, L. Sundstrom","doi":"10.1080/1060586X.2021.1971927","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1971927","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The prevailing wisdom among scholars of gender in Russia is that Vladimir Putin – as Russia’s “strongman” president – has become an agent of traditionalism. Some political scientists, often without a gendered lens, have argued that Putin is not so powerful, compelled to deploy various tactics and ideologies to balance competing interests among elites and retain support from the general public. We systematically analyze Putin’s statements about gender in two decades of his annual speeches (1999–2020) to better understand how Putin rules. Coding Putin’s remarks on a spectrum from promoting to opposing gender equality, we find that there has been no shift toward an explicit traditionalism, but rather, an expansion of the gender-stereotypical/Soviet views that have dominated Putin’s pronouncements all along. We argue that Putin’s diverse remarks across the spectrum of gender (in)equality constitute an important part of his efforts to balance diverse elite interests and enlist mass support.","PeriodicalId":46960,"journal":{"name":"Post-Soviet Affairs","volume":"37 1","pages":"507 - 525"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49055617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 7
Composition of the ruling elite, incentives for productive usage of rents, and prospects for Russia’s limited access order 统治精英的组成、对租金生产性使用的激励以及俄罗斯有限准入令的前景
IF 2.2 2区 社会学
Post-Soviet Affairs Pub Date : 2021-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1966988
A. Yakovlev
{"title":"Composition of the ruling elite, incentives for productive usage of rents, and prospects for Russia’s limited access order","authors":"A. Yakovlev","doi":"10.1080/1060586X.2021.1966988","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1966988","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Vladimir Putin’s personal popularity creates the base for sociopolitical stability of regime. However, in the long term, the aspirations of Russia’s elite for national sovereignty will come to naught without anew economic development model. Applying the “limited access orders” framework of North, Wallis, and Weingast, this essay analyzes the interactions among three key groups in the ruling elite# the top federal bureaucracy, politically connected big business (oligarchs), and heads of security forces (siloviki). It considers the evolution of rent sources in Russia during the last 25 years and the incentives of elite groups. Itargues that under dominance of siloviki after 2012, the ruling coalition could not negotiate anew agreement on rent distribution, nor could it broaden access to economic opportunities and political activity for new social groups. Russia’s ruling elite missed the opportunity to avoid adeep shock that will likely destroy the existing “limited access order”.","PeriodicalId":46960,"journal":{"name":"Post-Soviet Affairs","volume":"37 1","pages":"417 - 434"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43095663","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 7
State, business, and the political economy of modernization: introduction 国家、商业与现代化的政治经济学：导论
IF 2.2 2区 社会学
Post-Soviet Affairs Pub Date : 2021-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1969732
Jardar Østbø
{"title":"State, business, and the political economy of modernization: introduction","authors":"Jardar Østbø","doi":"10.1080/1060586X.2021.1969732","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1969732","url":null,"abstract":"This special issue is dedicated to the workings of Russia’s political-economic system, theorized as a limited access order (North, Wallis, and Weingast 2009): under Putin, Russia has been ruled by a coalition of elites that have refrained from 1990s-style violent infighting because of common unwritten rules on resource distribution. This arrangement is now under strain. The political climate domestically and internationally has changed, resources are shrinking, and the rules for rent distribution are more unclear, all of which increases the infighting. In order to generate growth while retaining political stability, a new agreement on the future course has to be reached by three main elite groups: politically connected big business, leading security services officials, and the top bureaucracy (see Andrei Yakovlev’s article in this issue). The implications are of fundamental concern to the viability of the regime and the Russian “system” writ large. This special issue analyzes the evolution and prospects of Russia’s limited access order and offers case studies of attempts at institutional innovation, its response to social unrest, technology-driven change, and systemic obstacles to technological (and thereby economic) development.","PeriodicalId":46960,"journal":{"name":"Post-Soviet Affairs","volume":"37 1","pages":"413 - 416"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44458545","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The future has to wait: 5G in Russia and the lack of elite consensus 未来必须等待：俄罗斯的5G和缺乏精英共识
IF 2.2 2区 社会学
Post-Soviet Affairs Pub Date : 2021-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1967071
Janis Kluge
{"title":"The future has to wait: 5G in Russia and the lack of elite consensus","authors":"Janis Kluge","doi":"10.1080/1060586X.2021.1967071","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1967071","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Although the rollout of 5G in Russia has been much anticipated by both businesses and the government, progress in the introduction of the new standard came to a standstill by 2021. Key elite groups in business, the federal bureaucracy, and the security apparatus (the siloviki) have failed to agree on the rules for 5G. Major sticking points in the debate are the distribution of radio spectrum, the operators’ business model, and the degree of import substitution for 5G equipment. This article examines the bargaining among different elite actors over the new mobile communications standard. The foundering introduction of 5G illustrates a more general lack of agreement among Russia’s elites about the future direction of Russia’s economy. Negotiations are complicated by shrinking resources, the relative strengthening of the siloviki, and unrealistic aspirations to economic sovereignty in the digital sphere.","PeriodicalId":46960,"journal":{"name":"Post-Soviet Affairs","volume":"37 1","pages":"489 - 505"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45441290","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
A tale of two councils: the changing roles of the security and state councils during the transformation period of modern Russian politics 这是一个关于两个委员会的故事:在现代俄罗斯政治转型时期，安全委员会和国务委员会的角色变化
IF 2.2 2区 社会学
Post-Soviet Affairs Pub Date : 2021-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.2021.1967644
E. Schulmann, M. Galeotti
{"title":"A tale of two councils: the changing roles of the security and state councils during the transformation period of modern Russian politics","authors":"E. Schulmann, M. Galeotti","doi":"10.1080/1060586X.2021.1967644","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1060586X.2021.1967644","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT There is general agreement that both the Security Council and State Council are significant institutions in Putin’s Russia, but less clarity as to what this means, beyond that each provides opportunities for consultation with specific segments of the elite. Even this modest consensus was confounded in 2020, when both councils seemed to offer potential post-presidential roles for Putin himself, and underwent significant changes. This article describes the legal and administrative evolutions of both bodies, assesses their roles, and considers them from the perspective of a limited access order. It tackles the problem of institutions in undemocratic systems and the thin line between the decorative elements of the political system, and the bodies in which real administrative power is vested. We argue that they have a significant informal role as sites for the negotiation of power and resources and remain potential actors in the ongoing power transformation of the Russian political system.","PeriodicalId":46960,"journal":{"name":"Post-Soviet Affairs","volume":"37 1","pages":"453 - 469"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2021-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45165316","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
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