{"title":"International Politics and the Subnational Allocation of World Bank Development Projects","authors":"Matthew D. DiLorenzo","doi":"10.1177/14789299231153821","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299231153821","url":null,"abstract":"Temporary United Nations Security Council (UNSC) members receive more World Bank projects. I consider the potential for UNSC status to influence aid allocation within recipient countries. While strategically important recipients might gain greater discretion over the internal distribution of aid, no clear evidence establishes whether World Bank aid tends to succumb to political pressures within countries. I examine whether political favoritism within countries varies with UNSC status and find little evidence for a connection. While cross-national lending may follow politics, subnational allocation seems to be unrelated to international politics, which has important implications for the efficacy of Bank assistance.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"400 - 411"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44049050","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Cooperate But Divided at Heart: Analysis of an Opposition Elite Survey During Autocratization","authors":"Au Nok Hin, Chan Ka Ming, Ng Ka Lun","doi":"10.1177/14789299221147460","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299221147460","url":null,"abstract":"When opposition elites cooperate to counteract authoritarian incumbents, they often deemphasize their fissures. But behind the scenes of cooperation, will their attitudinal divisions remain? If so, on what dimensions? Though these questions have important implications for the tenacity of cooperation and future political developments, the current literature does not shed much light on them. Our research answers these questions by examining the case of Hong Kong, which has undergone widespread repression. We surveyed district councilors in an autocratization episode in which opposition elites were highly cohesive. Using the Kolmogorov–Smirnov metric, we find that opposition factions share similar economic attitudes. Yet, despite their cooperative behavior, they still hold divided attitudes on the center-periphery and democratization strategies dimensions. These findings contribute to the burgeoning literature on autocratization by highlighting the (in)congruence of opposition elites’ attitudes and behavior.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47517718","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Measuring the Substantive Representation of Women Cross-Nationally: Towards a Composite Index","authors":"E. Rashkova, Silvia Erzeel","doi":"10.1177/14789299221148430","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299221148430","url":null,"abstract":"Recent scholarship on women’s substantive representation has expanded from its initial focus on gender inequalities in parliaments and now studies (1) various group interests, (2) in different venues, (3) across different contexts and (4) using different methods and approaches. Building on these advances, we present a new comparative measure of women’s substantive representation. This ‘Substantive Representation Index’ combines eight indicators, linked to two key dimensions of women’s substantive representation, in one composite quantitative index. As such, we offer a consistent modality that allows scholars to measure women’s substantive representation systematically and comparatively across and within democratic countries and over time.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"523 - 531"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46797873","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Explaining Online Personalized Politics: A Cross-National Comparative Analysis of Social Media Consumption of Parties and Leaders","authors":"Shahaf Zamir","doi":"10.1177/14789299221147458","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299221147458","url":null,"abstract":"The personalization of politics (the process of politicians’ strengthening at the expense of political parties) has long been studied. This study focuses on online personalism in the consumption of political parties and their leaders on Twitter and Facebook and aims to find its explaining factors. Following the normalization/equalization debate, it sets hypotheses regarding the relationship between variables from offline to online personalized politics. Using multilevel analysis of Facebook and Twitter data of more than 140 parties from 25 democracies, it finds that the leaders’ position significantly affects online personalism in most of the consumption aspects of social media. It also shows that country’s offline personalization, leader’s tenure, party populism, party age, party’s governmental status, vote share, and the leadership selection method have effects on some of the indicators for online personalism on the consumption side. It concludes that offline political power is reflected online.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42364129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Does Normative Behaviourism Offer an Alternative Methodology in Political Theory?","authors":"Eva Erman, Niklas Möller","doi":"10.1177/14789299231151803","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299231151803","url":null,"abstract":"A central distinction for Jonathan Floyd is that between the traditional method of pursuing political theory conducted by mainstream theorists, which he calls ‘mentalism’, and his suggested method, so-called ‘normative behaviourism’. While the former relies on patterns of thought (e.g. intuitions, value commitments, principles or considered judgements) to justify normative theories, the latter instead relies on patterns of behaviour. Floyd argues that normative behaviourism offers an alternative methodology to mainstream mentalism, a new – and better – way of doing political philosophy. Our aim in this article is to reject this claim: normative behaviourism does not offer an alternative methodology in political theory. First, we show that normative behaviourism, contrary to Floyd’s claim, is as dependent on value premises as mainstream, ‘mentalist’ political theory. Second, we illustrate the structural similarities between normative behaviourism and mainstream political theory from a methodological standpoint by comparing the former with an influential normative theory, namely, utilitarianism.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"454 - 461"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49287576","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Perceiving Freedom: Civil Liberties and COVID-19 Vaccinations.","authors":"Hayley Munir, Syed Rashid Munir","doi":"10.1177/14789299221082460","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299221082460","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Why have some countries been more successful in their COVID-19 vaccine rollouts than others? Despite efforts by governments to vaccinate their adult populations against COVID-19, vaccination rates remain irregularly low in some countries. We suggest that a crucial piece of this puzzle lies in resistance against government directives from the public due to civil liberty protections. Countries with greater protections for civil liberties can be expected to have lower vaccinations administered than countries with fewer protections, as the public enjoys a sense of freedom regarding their private lives. In such countries, de jure constraints on government policies are complemented by the fear of public backlash, even in crises; consequently, beyond structural limitations, governments with high levels of civil liberty protections face an additional hurdle in managing the COVID-19 crisis. Evidence for this hypothesis is presented for 153 countries by combining civil liberty scores with newly available data on COVID-19 vaccinations.</p>","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"190-209"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10076963/pdf/10.1177_14789299221082460.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"9637932","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"European Political Science versus the Pandemic: Patterns of Professional Adaptation.","authors":"Giliberto Capano, Luca Verzichelli, Giulia Vicentini","doi":"10.1177/14789299211052896","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299211052896","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>The emergence of the COVID-19 outbreak can be considered a potential driver of changes not only in academic disciplines but also, as most observers underline, in the teaching mission of higher education. This raises the main question of this article, that is, exactly whether and how an external shock such as COVID-19 can impact the comprehensive profile of academic disciplines. By focusing on European political science, the article assesses the differences among scholars in this community in terms of potential long-term reactions. The study, based on the outcomes of an original survey conducted among 1400 European professional political scientists (EPSs) at the end of 2020, aims at detecting the \"predisposition to adaptation\" of the community, by examining the attitudes revealed by EPSs during the early phase of pandemic. In this regard, we focus on the explanations of different aspects of 'professional adaptation', discussing three dimensions that seem to be present in our sample, although with very different weights: passive, proactive and innovative adaptation.</p>","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"63-81"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10076962/pdf/10.1177_14789299211052896.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"9637931","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Determinants of Political Trust during the Early Months of the COVID-19 Pandemic: Putting Policy Performance into Evidence.","authors":"Ana Maria Belchior, Conceição Pequito Teixeira","doi":"10.1177/14789299211056193","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299211056193","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Basing on the previous and early months of the COVID-19 pandemic, this article analysis the main determinants of citizens' trust in the prime minister over that period. Prior research on the political effects of the pandemic has mostly focused on identifying a rally around the flag effect, and little is known about other reasons behind the increase in trust after the outbreak of the pandemic. Based on survey data from February to July 2020 for Spanish citizens, we argue that the reasons for the increased trust in the prime minister following the pandemic outbreak are due more to performance evaluations than to emotional-related factors regarding COVID-19 health issues. We also argue that among performance evaluations, the assessment of policy performance in fighting the COVID-19 crisis is of preeminent relevance in explaining trust in the prime minister during the pandemic period. Findings widely support our argument. By comparing the effects of conventional to emotional-related factors, we extend scholarship on political trust in the context of an exogenous crisis.</p>","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"82-98"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9892527/pdf/10.1177_14789299211056193.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"10665894","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Polarization, Media Professionalism, and Support for Press Freedoms in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Report on Early Results","authors":"P. VonDoepp, D. J. Young","doi":"10.1177/14789299221143681","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299221143681","url":null,"abstract":"This article reports on early results of a research project examining popular support for media freedoms in sub-Saharan Africa. Using data from the Afrobarometer surveys, as well as other sources, we specifically examine cross-national variation in support for media freedoms, seeking to account for the national-level factors that affect that variation. Our findings suggest the importance of two factors in particular. The first is the level of polarization in society. Using a novel measure of this factor, we find that higher levels of polarization are associated with lower levels of support for media freedoms. The second factor is the level of professionalism characterizing the media sector. We find that lower levels of media professionalism drive down support for media freedoms. Further research will explore these through the use of multilevel analysis that incorporates investigation of individual-level factors shaping support for media freedoms.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48988120","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Hindutva Brand of Populist Politics and the Women Question","authors":"Palak Singh, G. K. Parihar","doi":"10.1177/14789299221146695","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14789299221146695","url":null,"abstract":"This study maps the interactions of the Hindutva brand of political populism, which is in rise in India, with the feminist politics and concerns. To study this interaction, the article qualitatively studies the phenomenon of Hindutva-populism and feminist politics and uses the Bhartiya Janata Party, the Hindu-rightist political party, as the site to explore the gendered political culture and the complex relationship that populism and feminism share on the women question in their quest for political and social transformation in India. For this purpose, the article focuses on the broad themes, highlighting the differential visions of both projects, of: the lens through which the problems are diagnosed, the solutions proposed to these problems and the role of the related variables such as power, state and leadership, which puts them in a fundamental clash with each other.","PeriodicalId":46813,"journal":{"name":"Political Studies Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48085853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}