{"title":"Citizens’ duties across generations","authors":"A. Blais, Carol Galais, Danielle Mayer","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2021.1949327","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2021.1949327","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT There is a wide academic agreement on the existence of two different types of citizenship norms (“dutiful” and “engaged”), along with a generalized conviction about the prevalence of “engaged” norms among the young cohorts. These conclusions rely on a questionnaire battery that is omnipresent in the most important public opinion surveys and which nevertheless presents several shortcomings that might convey social desirability. We contend that the “how important” questions used to tap attitudes about what the “good citizen” should do are probably affecting conclusions about citizenship norms’ endorsement and generational change. This research puts forward an alternative battery and puts it to empirical test on a Canadian sample. Using more neutral questions aimed at tapping whether citizens construe a series of political activities as duties or else, we find that many citizens do not feel that it is their duty to participate in politics and that there is no generational divide when it comes to different conceptions of civic duties.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"32 1","pages":"907 - 917"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87857571","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Voter mobilization efforts can depress turnout","authors":"Levi Bankston, Barry C. Burden","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2021.1949328","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2021.1949328","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT We analyze the effects of a volunteer-led postcard writing campaign intended to turn out registered voters to support specific candidates in two state legislative districts. After adjusting for known selection bias in treatment assignment, we find that the postcards had a surprising negative effect on overall voter turnout. There is no evidence of effects being conditional on socioeconomic status or prior voting history. Of several explanations for this unexpected result, the most promising is that the focus on a down-ballot race distracted subjects from being aware of higher-profile contests on the ballot that might have motivated them to vote. We encourage researchers and practitioners to take negative findings seriously and develop tests for the explanations we offer.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"11 1","pages":"94 - 104"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82816148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Electoral outcomes and support for Westminster democracy","authors":"Hannah M. Ridge","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2021.1946546","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2021.1946546","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT It is well established that those who supported the winning side in elections report greater specific democratic support – they are more satisfied with the functioning of their democracy – than those who supported the losing side. This literature, however, has focused almost exclusively on winning the presidency or premiership. This project extends that literature to incorporate the effect of district election victories and defeats on citizens’ democratic opinions using post-election surveys in three Westminster-style democracies: Australia, Canada, and Great Britain. It also includes two indicators of democratic institutional support: believing it matters for whom people vote and believing it matters who is in power. It finds that district-level results moderate the win-loss satisfaction gap induced by national election results. Winning in the constituency offsets the negative effect of electoral defeat; among national winners, however, the district result has limited impact on democratic attitudes. Constituency-level victories are less effective at mitigating the effect of national defeat on more diffuse democracy support.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"111 1","pages":"887 - 906"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81349034","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Comparing stereotypes across racial and partisan lines: a study in affective polarisation","authors":"E. Carmines, Rita Nassar","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2021.1942015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2021.1942015","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The past few decades have witnessed increasing levels of hostility among partisans, a phenomenon labelled affective polarisation. This study examines how partisan affective polarisation compares to the racial divide. We examine these differences by looking at ratings of partisan, ideological and racial outgroups on intelligence, morality, trustworthiness, hard work and patriotism. We find that individuals tend to rate their partisan and ideological ingroups more positively. More importantly, we find that the difference in ratings of ingroups and outgroups is larger for partisanship and ideology compared to racial groups.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"16 1","pages":"727 - 738"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91306030","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Local politics as a context for polarizing cues","authors":"M. Painter, David Kimball","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2021.1945611","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2021.1945611","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT There is adequate research demonstrating that source cues (such as prominent politicians or interest groups) can move public support for some policies, however, most of the research on source cues in the United States tests the impact of national leaders or parties as cues. We argue that hypotheses about source cues should be tested in other settings, such as local politics. Local settings offer a test where source cues may not be so closely tied to partisan identity. We hypothesize that in contexts where the source is well-known, and the policy is relatively obscure, source cues can polarize public opinion substantially. However, on highly salient policies the impact of source cues may be much weaker. We report the results of three survey experiments testing the polarizing impact of a mayor as a source cue on city voters. We find strong source cue effects in each test. The often racially divisive nature and machine-versus-reform type polarization of urban politics provides a fertile context for testing the polarizing impact of source cues.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"34 1","pages":"867 - 886"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85815443","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Someone like you: false consensus in perceptions of Democrats and Republicans","authors":"Clara Vandeweerdt","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2021.1942891","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2021.1942891","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this paper, I demonstrate false consensus in Americans' perceptions of ordinary party members: the more a person agrees with a statement, the more they believe that in-party members would also agree. I find traces of false consensus for the out-party as well. This pattern in perceptions of ordinary partisans is very similar to the pattern I find in perceptions of politicians' positions. This suggests that false consensus is closely related to another phenomenon in political perceptions: assimilation. I also show that Americans’ perceptions of their in-parties are more correlated with their own opinions than with reality. The results have implications for our understanding of affective polarization, of real-world cueing effects, and of representation.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"72 1","pages":"739 - 749"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86289513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Replicating the discovery, scrutiny, and decline model of media coverage in presidential primaries","authors":"Z. Scott","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2021.1942016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2021.1942016","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Media coverage has long been thought crucial to shaping the electoral fortunes of presidential primary candidates in the post-reform era, making how the media allot coverage a topic of paramount importance. Sides and Vavreck (2013. The Gamble: Choice and Change in the 2012 Presidential Election. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press) make a notable contribution to the study of media coverage in primaries with their “discovery, scrutiny, and decline” (DSD) model. This model, based on the 2012 Republican primary, suggests that the media’s preference for novelty leads to a cyclical identification of new and interesting candidates, a surge in coverage of that candidate, and a culminating drop of coverage back to baseline levels. But the generalizability of the DSD model beyond the 2012 GOP primary has not yet been thoroughly tested. This paper conducts such a test using the Presidential Primary Communication Corpus (PPCC) which contains news stories by The New York Times and the Washington Post of each candidate in the nine primaries from 2000 to 2020. The evidence is most supportive of the DSD model in the 2008 and 2012 Republican primaries and the 2004 and 2020 Democratic primaries but less supportive in the remaining five. This paper concludes with a discussion of why some campaigns don’t match the DSD model’s expectations.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"31 1 1","pages":"354 - 364"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85479365","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Shopping for a better deal? Party switching among grassroots members in Britain","authors":"P. Webb, Tim Bale","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2021.1941062","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2021.1941062","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT People who join political parties are motivated primarily, although not exclusively, by ideological impulses. So, given the often considerable ideological differences between parties, one might presume that very few those who later leave one party would be keen to join another. However, using a comprehensive 2019 survey of British party members, we not only identify several factors associated with switching parties (being especially socially liberal or socially authoritarian; being a Brexiteer; being a campaign activist; working in non-manual occupation; having a university degree; being a man rather than a woman; being older rather than younger; and being a current member of one of the country’s smaller political parties), but we also show, first, the flows between parties and, second, that party switching at the grassroots is far more common than many imagine. Even so, and notwithstanding the fact that switching impacts on different parties in different ways, it is not sufficient to support oft-voiced claims of widespread entryism into either of Britain’s two main parties – at least on the sort of scale that might account for Labour’s shift to the liberal-left or the Conservatives’ shift to supporting a hard Brexit.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"61 1","pages":"247 - 257"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84213221","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Born to run: where rebel parties participate in post-conflict local elections","authors":"Diego Esparza, J. Ishiyama","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2021.1941061","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2021.1941061","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Where do newly formed rebel parties run their candidates for local elections? Most work on rebel parties examines the factors that explain rebel party success on the national level. However, few studies look at where rebel parties run candidates in elections and at the local level. We develop a dataset to analyze the activity of FARC (Fuerzas Alternative Revolucionaria del Común) in the 2019 local elections in Colombia. Using both a Firth Logit regression and Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial model, we found that former rebel parties are more likely to candidates in locations where they have had a historical presence, where ideologically similar parties also ran candidates, where there is a larger field of candidates, and in areas with less institutionalized elections.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"1 1","pages":"74 - 93"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79791135","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jakob-Moritz Eberl, Robert A. Huber, Esther Greussing
{"title":"From populism to the “plandemic”: why populists believe in COVID-19 conspiracies","authors":"Jakob-Moritz Eberl, Robert A. Huber, Esther Greussing","doi":"10.1080/17457289.2021.1924730","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2021.1924730","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Why are COVID-19 conspiracy theories so prevalent? Particularly, why would some citizens ignore scientific evidence and common logic but, instead, be convinced that COVID-19 was a military experiment or spread by 5G signals? Why would they believe that Bill Gates had anything to do with it? In this contribution, we argue that populism is at the centre of these beliefs, as the complex nature of the COVID-19 pandemic makes it an ideal playground for populists’ opposition to scientific and political elites. We use Structural Equation Models and panel survey data (n = 823) from the Austrian Corona Panel Project to test this argument. We demonstrate a negative correlation of populist attitudes with both trust in political and scientific institutions, which, in return, negatively relate to COVID-19 conspiracy beliefs. This results in an overall positive relationship of populist attitudes and conspiracy beliefs that is independent of political ideology. These findings have important implications for elite communication regarding virus mitigation.","PeriodicalId":46791,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Elections Public Opinion and Parties","volume":"45 1","pages":"272 - 284"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2021-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/17457289.2021.1924730","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72516260","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}