Japanese Journal of Political Science最新文献_第10页

Terrorist campaigns and the growth of the Muslim population: a reply 恐怖主义活动和穆斯林人口的增长:一个回答

IF 1 3区社会学

Japanese Journal of Political Science Pub Date : 2021-07-08 DOI: 10.1017/S1468109921000165

Clara Egger, Raul Magni-Berton

{"title":"Terrorist campaigns and the growth of the Muslim population: a reply","authors":"Clara Egger, Raul Magni-Berton","doi":"10.1017/S1468109921000165","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1468109921000165","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract A recently published paper in this journal (Choi, 2021) establishes a statistical link between, on the one hand, Islamist terrorist campaigns – including terrorist attacks and online propaganda – and, on the other the growth of the Muslim population. The author explains this result by stating that successful campaigns lead some individuals to convert to Islam. In this commentary, we intend to reply to this article by focusing on the impact of terrorist attacks on religious conversion. We first show that Choi's results suffer from theoretical flaws – a failure to comprehensively unpack the link between violence and conversion – and methodological shortcomings – a focus on all terrorist groups over a period where Islamist attacks were rare. This leads us to replicate Choi's analysis by distinguishing Islamist and non-Islamist terror attacks on a more adequate timeframe. By doing so, we no longer find empirical support for the relationship between terror attacks and the growth of the Muslim population. However, our analyses suggest that such a hypothesis may hold but only in contexts where the level and intensity of political violence are high.","PeriodicalId":44381,"journal":{"name":"Japanese Journal of Political Science","volume":"22 1","pages":"369 - 380"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S1468109921000165","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47357482","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

Who is welcome? South Korean public opinion on North Koreans and other refugees 欢迎谁？韩国公众对朝鲜人和其他难民的看法

IF 1 3区社会学

Japanese Journal of Political Science Pub Date : 2021-06-17 DOI: 10.1017/S1468109921000116

T. Rich, Kaitlyn Bison, Aleksandra Kozovic

引用次数: 3

Provincial deficits and political centralization: evidence from the personnel management of the Chinese Communist Party 省级赤字与中央集权：来自中国共产党人事管理的证据

IF 1 3区社会学

Japanese Journal of Political Science Pub Date : 2021-06-17 DOI: 10.1017/S1468109921000098

Yang Zhang, Xi Wang

{"title":"Provincial deficits and political centralization: evidence from the personnel management of the Chinese Communist Party","authors":"Yang Zhang, Xi Wang","doi":"10.1017/S1468109921000098","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1468109921000098","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The political autonomy of Chinese provinces derives from their economic independence. After the 2008 economic crisis, budget deficits increased significantly in most Chinese provinces, making them more reliant on financial support from Beijing. Provinces suffering high deficits will lose their political clout in both local and national politics. Therefore, provinces with large deficits tend to be less resistant to the enforcement of the law of avoidance and underrepresented in the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. We find that in provincial standing committees, the members who are native or have more birthplace ties are more likely to be ranked behind the outsiders, especially so in provinces with a high level of deficits. We also find that provincial-standing-committee members from high-deficit provinces have a low possibility to obtain seats in the party's Central Committee. These findings confirm the close relationship between economic independence and political autonomy of Chinese provinces. In addition, we find that the logic of economic independence cannot depict the whole picture and that regional pluralism is also an important concern when the party manages its provincial leadership teams.","PeriodicalId":44381,"journal":{"name":"Japanese Journal of Political Science","volume":"22 1","pages":"130 - 143"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S1468109921000098","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44840135","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Strategic voting revisited: the case of the 2018 Taipei City mayoral election 策略性投票重访：以2018年台北市市长选举为例

IF 1 3区社会学

Japanese Journal of Political Science Pub Date : 2021-06-14 DOI: 10.1017/S146810992100013X

Chung-li Wu, Alex Min-Wei Lin, Chingching Chang

引用次数: 0

Prisoners' rights implementation in Japan: breaking the shackles with suspects 日本囚犯权利的落实：与嫌犯一起打破枷锁

IF 1 3区社会学

Japanese Journal of Political Science Pub Date : 2021-06-14 DOI: 10.1017/S1468109921000128

Silvia Croydon

{"title":"Prisoners' rights implementation in Japan: breaking the shackles with suspects","authors":"Silvia Croydon","doi":"10.1017/S1468109921000128","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1468109921000128","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Several decades have passed since the first call was made toward political scientists, among other social scientists, to devote attention to human rights and enrich, through empirical investigations, our understanding of how human rights implementation works. Today, the political science discipline is finally beginning to respond to this appeal, with an increasing number of scholars making it their goal to isolate variables that obstruct or facilitate human rights implementation. The current paper joins this burgeoning body of literature by offering a within-case analysis of Japanese prison policy-making. In particular, I compare the 2005 bill updating the Prison Law (Kangoku hō) that had been in force in Japan since the Meiji era with an earlier draft version of that bill which appeared in parliament on three occasions since the early 1980s. On the basis of the convergence of these bills in terms of seeking to align Japan with the evolved new global standards for convicted prisoners' treatment, I argue that a three-decade delay occurred in the implementation of prisoners' rights in Japan. To account then for this delay, I point to a provision pertaining to the criminal procedure (i.e., pre-conviction) which was incorporated in the law in question in 1908 merely for pragmatic reasons, and with regard to which the modern-time stakeholders of the bar and the police could not find agreement. Ultimately, the message that this case deals to the political science of human rights is that institutional–infrastructural factors, such as ties of legal nature, matter to human rights implementation.","PeriodicalId":44381,"journal":{"name":"Japanese Journal of Political Science","volume":"22 1","pages":"163 - 174"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S1468109921000128","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43017444","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Without Laslett to the lost worlds: Quentin Skinner's early methodology 没有拉斯莱特走向失落的世界:昆汀·斯金纳的早期方法论

IF 1 3区社会学

Japanese Journal of Political Science Pub Date : 2021-06-07 DOI: 10.1017/S1468109921000104

T. Furuta

{"title":"Without Laslett to the lost worlds: Quentin Skinner's early methodology","authors":"T. Furuta","doi":"10.1017/S1468109921000104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1468109921000104","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The aim of this paper is to suggest that the emergence of the so-called Cambridge School of history of political thought can best be understood in terms of two competing visions of the relationship between history and social science, focusing on Peter Laslett and Quentin Skinner. Although Laslett is often distinguished as a founder of the Cambridge School, this paper suggests an alternative view by emphasizing the theoretical discontinuity between Laslett and Skinner rather than their continuity. Laslett, a practitioner of Karl Manheim's ideas, promoted the idea of a comprehensive scientific social history, within which intellectual history was located. This paper argues that Skinner broke with Laslett's idea. For Skinner, (1) Laslett was a positivist who applied the natural scientific model to intellectual history; (2) Laslett's positivism was actually ‘contextualism’; and (3) the alternative to Laslett's contextualism was the history of ideology. Skinner's early methodology was, in part, a rhetorical redescription of ‘ideology’, which opposed both Mannheim and Laslett. As such, this paper focuses on the discursive disconnection between Laslett and Skinner, thus providing a clue to construct a platform for facilitating a further discussion of the history of ideas and the social sciences.","PeriodicalId":44381,"journal":{"name":"Japanese Journal of Political Science","volume":"22 1","pages":"144 - 162"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S1468109921000104","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47544321","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

Evolution of Japanese security policy and the House of Councilors 日本安全政策的演变与众议院

IF 1 3区社会学

Japanese Journal of Political Science Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1468109921000086

H. Takenaka

{"title":"Evolution of Japanese security policy and the House of Councilors","authors":"H. Takenaka","doi":"10.1017/S1468109921000086","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1468109921000086","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Japanese security policy has undergone a significant degree of evolution since the early 1990s. As a result, the range of responses Japan can make in international crisis has significantly expanded. The gradual evolution and expansion of the Japanese security policy culminated in the legislation of security-related bills under the second Abe administration in September 2015. The security-related bills dramatically transformed Japanese security policy as it allowed Japan to exercise the right of collective defense when certain conditions are met. The gradual change of Japanese security policy has so far gathered much academic attention. There is a strong claim in the existing literature on Japanese security policy that changes in security policies became possible because of reforms in domestic institutions, which had expanded the Japanese prime minister's power. It is the contention of this article that the Japanese prime minister is still faced with severe constraints from the Diet, in particular from the House of Councilors even after a series of institutional reforms has empowered Japanese prime ministers to significantly alter Japanese security policy. It demonstrates that as the House of Councilors has significant power in the Japanese political system, some Japanese prime ministers had to have the implementation of some security policies delayed or was driven to revise some policies they had originally envisioned through several case studies.","PeriodicalId":44381,"journal":{"name":"Japanese Journal of Political Science","volume":"22 1","pages":"96 - 115"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S1468109921000086","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43755691","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

JJP volume 22 issue 2 Cover and Back matter JJP第22卷第2期封面和封底

IF 1 3区社会学

Japanese Journal of Political Science Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1468109921000153

引用次数: 0

A different choice, a different outcome: budgetary effects of a conservative legislator in liberal local regions of South Korea 一个不同的选择，一个不同的结果:一位保守派议员对韩国自由派地方地区的预算影响

IF 1 3区社会学

Japanese Journal of Political Science Pub Date : 2021-05-28 DOI: 10.1017/S1468109921000062

H. Jung

引用次数: 4

Blatant electoral fraud and the value of a vote 公然的选举舞弊和投票的价值

IF 1 3区社会学

Japanese Journal of Political Science Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1468109921000037

Masaaki Higashijima

{"title":"Blatant electoral fraud and the value of a vote","authors":"Masaaki Higashijima","doi":"10.1017/S1468109921000037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1468109921000037","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper explores the relationship between malapportionment and blatant electoral fraud. Although blatant electoral fraud enables incumbents to win elections, it may undermine legitimacy and provoke protests. Malapportionment also helps the incumbent succeed by assigning larger portions of seats to party strongholds, yet its key features differ from electoral fraud. Because malapportionment neither involves coercion nor overt fraud, it is less likely to be followed by reactionary protests. But, it is an inflexible electioneering strategy, because reapportionment leads to difficult coordination problems among ruling legislators. Cross-national statistical analyses of 98 countries (1993–2012) show that, although malapportionment does not affect whether leaders use election violence and electoral cheating, political leaders become less dependent upon the simultaneous use of these fraudulent strategies when high levels of malapportionment are already endowed. The results suggest that although governments might continue to use specific types of blatant electoral fraud even when the levels of malapportionment are high, malapportionment allows governments to be more selective with combining different methods of blatant electoral fraud.","PeriodicalId":44381,"journal":{"name":"Japanese Journal of Political Science","volume":"22 1","pages":"1 - 14"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S1468109921000037","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42197505","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 3