{"title":"Presentational nana constructions in Reunion Creole","authors":"Alina McLellan","doi":"10.5565/rev/isogloss.397","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.397","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses a cluster of related constructions in Reunion Creole involving nana ‘have’. Focusing on a presentational construction that is functionally equivalent to the il y a-cleft of French, I argue that a once bi-clausal cleft has developed into a monoclausal broad focus construction in Reunion Creole. I present a Role and Reference Grammar analysis of both the bi-clausal cleft and the monoclausal construction, and in the former, I explain how the cleft relative clause differs from restrictive relative clauses. ","PeriodicalId":435969,"journal":{"name":"Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics","volume":"6 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141801780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Alex Chabot, M. R. Manzini, Andrew Nevins, Heather Newell, Ian Roberts, Shanti Ulfsbjorninn
{"title":"The Romance Inter-Views 3","authors":"Alex Chabot, M. R. Manzini, Andrew Nevins, Heather Newell, Ian Roberts, Shanti Ulfsbjorninn","doi":"10.5565/rev/isogloss.480","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.480","url":null,"abstract":"The Romance Inter-Views are short, multiple Q&A pairs that address key issues, definitions and ideas regarding Romance linguistics or general linguistics from a Romance viewpoint. Prominent exponents of different approaches to the study of Romance linguistics are asked to answer some general questions. The answers are then assembled so that readers can get a comparative picture of what’s going on in the field.\u0000This is the third Inter-view. The first Inter-view, on Syntax, can be found here. The second Inter-view, on Cartography, can be found here.","PeriodicalId":435969,"journal":{"name":"Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics","volume":"48 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141650078","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A. C. Bleotu, Lyn Tieu, Gabriela Bîlbîie, Mara Panaitescu, Gabriela Slăvuțeanu, Anton Benz, A. Nicolae
{"title":"Investigating the effect of prosodic markedness on the interpretation of simple disjunction in Romanian","authors":"A. C. Bleotu, Lyn Tieu, Gabriela Bîlbîie, Mara Panaitescu, Gabriela Slăvuțeanu, Anton Benz, A. Nicolae","doi":"10.5565/rev/isogloss.384","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.384","url":null,"abstract":"According to Horn’s (1984) Principle of Division of Pragmatic Labor, marked forms should have marked meanings. We investigate differences in the interpretation of two prosodically distinct forms of the disjunction sau in Romanian (‘A sau B’): (i) neutral rise-fall prosody, and (ii) marked rise-fall-rise prosody, where both disjuncts are stressed. Adults typically interpret disjunction inclusively (A or B, possibly both) or exclusively (A or B, but not both), while children interpret it inclusively or conjunctively (A and B), cf. Singh et al. (2016) and Tieu et al. (2017). We ask whether similar preferences hold for Romanian and probe into the understudied role of prosody. Given adults’ greater sensitivity to prosody compared to children (Gotzner et al. 2013), we predict they might associate marked sau with the marked exclusive meaning more than children do. We tested Romanian-speaking adults and 5-year-olds using a forced-choice task, in which two puppets made guesses about what would happen, using either neutral sau or marked sau. While adults preferred neutral sau to describe contexts in which both disjuncts were true and marked sau for contexts in which only one disjunct was true, children selected the two disjunctions indiscriminately. We conclude that, unlike adults, children do not distinguish between prosodically marked and unmarked forms of disjunction.","PeriodicalId":435969,"journal":{"name":"Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics","volume":"143 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141681696","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Types of zero complements in French and Spanish prepositional phrases","authors":"Steffen Heidinger","doi":"10.5565/rev/isogloss.371","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.371","url":null,"abstract":"Some French prepositions can appear without an overt complement. The discussion about the status of such zero complements (starting with Zribi-Hertz's (1984a, 1984b) seminal work) is still ongoing. More recently, Authier (2016) argued that French prepositions are heterogeneous in this respect: The zero complement of only some prepositions is a null pronoun (e.g., avec 'with', but not pour 'for'). I aim to take this discussion one step further and scrutinize whether the zero complement of one and the same preposition can have different statuses. To this end I compare zero complements in two contexts: reduced sentences with a contrastive focus on the preposition vs. prepositions in full sentences without contrastive focus on the preposition. Based on data from acceptability judgment experiments, I will show that the zero complements in these two contexts underly different restrictions with respect to animacy and crosslinguistic distribution (comparing French and Spanish). This suggests two types of zero complements in the case of prepositions like avec: null pronouns in non-contrastive contexts, and background deletion in contrastive contexts. Additionally, the data provides novel insights about strong pronouns vs. zero complements in French and Spanish PPs, highlighting different animacy restrictions on zero complements and strong pronouns in the two languages.","PeriodicalId":435969,"journal":{"name":"Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics","volume":"117 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141115881","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Explaining the Subjunctive in factive contexts","authors":"Rui Marques","doi":"10.5565/rev/isogloss.273","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.273","url":null,"abstract":"The occurrence of the Subjunctive mood in sentences describing facts is commonly seen as problematic, given the relation between Subjunctive and non-veridicality. One line that is explored in the literature to account for the Subjunctive in complement clauses of factive verbs is to link the occurrence of this mood in such contexts to gradability of the main clause’s predicate. However, such an account faces empirical problems, and is not extendable to other contexts where the Subjunctive occurs even if the sentence describes a fact of reality. This paper proposes an account for the occurrence of Subjunctive in different kinds of factive contexts, showing that in all such cases the reason for this mood to occur follows from the general condition that leads to the use of Subjunctive, though for different reasons. Gradability of the main predicate is, in fact, one of the factors that leads to the consideration of non-p worlds, and the Subjunctive, but not the only one. For other predicates, other semantic features lead to counterfactual reasoning. Concessive clauses are another factive context where Subjunctive occurs and allow a better understanding of what triggers the Subjunctive mood and what this formal sign indicates.","PeriodicalId":435969,"journal":{"name":"Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics","volume":"124 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140680190","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Aspectual Properties of Italian Venire Passives","authors":"Martine Gallardo","doi":"10.5565/rev/isogloss.287","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.287","url":null,"abstract":"Italian essere (be) and venire (come) periphrastic passives differ in their aspectual properties, both lexical and grammatical. Squartini’s (1999) analysis of venire passives accounts for their incompatibility with perfect aspect. In the present study, I develop an account of passive venire in which it is analyzed as a light verb, rather than a lexical verb. This difference, together with certain assumptions about the syntax of lexical aspect are leveraged to account for passive venire’s incompatibility with perfect aspect, propredicative lo, and with stative verbs. In this way, the empirical ground covered by the previous analysis is substantially expanded.","PeriodicalId":435969,"journal":{"name":"Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics","volume":" 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140681479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Control in Romanian and Se constructions","authors":"Katie VanDyne, Jonathan E. MacDonald","doi":"10.5565/rev/isogloss.260","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.260","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we account for different patterns found in complement clauses of se constructions in Romanian and Spanish. In Romanian, a se construction cannot host an infinitival complement, an apparently controlled clause, whereas in Spanish a se construction can. However, when an additional se is added to the complement clause (a “double se construction”), the Romanian structure becomes grammatical, while the Spanish equivalent becomes ungrammatical. The Romanian patterns have been previously argued in Giurgea & Cotfas (2021) to be cases of control, with a failed agreement relation forcing the obligatory presence of se in the complement. We propose an alternative based on two major differences found in Romanian and Spanish. First, in se constructions, Spec, Voice is saturated by the external argument in Spanish, but it is unsaturated in Romanian. We argue that this prevents the external argument in Romanian from acting as a controller. Second, Romanian infinitival clauses appear to share properties with finite clauses, in contrast to Spanish. We argue that the grammatical Romanian double se construction is not an instance of control and suggest that it is the finite nature of the infinitival complement that allows for a double se construction.","PeriodicalId":435969,"journal":{"name":"Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics","volume":"112 24","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140679908","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Article Drop and Case Marking in Romanian","authors":"I. Giurgea","doi":"10.5565/rev/isogloss.286","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.286","url":null,"abstract":"In Romanian, the definite article cannot be overtly realized if the maximal nominal projection contains only the lexical N and occurs in the complement position of (most) accusative-taking prepositions. Arguing that a definite D is present in the underlying syntactic representation, I describe article drop as a PF-phenomenon. I follow Dobrovie-Sorin’s (2007) idea that article drop is conditioned by a complex head formation operation that assigns a X0-status to DPs of the form [D+def N0], but I show that her proposal of extending complex head formation to P is contradicted by the behavior of article drop in coordination. Therefore, I propose a different explanation for the limitation of article drop to the complement of P: based on the fact that article drop also occurs with prepositional case markers (which are K heads rather than Ps), I propose that article drop only occurs when D lacks Case. Underlying this analysis is a novel theory of case marking in Romanian: I propose that inflectional marking involves null Ks that trigger spreading of a Case feature to their complement (following Norris 2014, 2018), whereas prepositional marking involves an overt K and no feature spreading. Prepositions that trigger article drop are assimilated to K heads in that they take a DP, rather than a KP, complement, playing K’s role of closing-off the nominal extended projection.","PeriodicalId":435969,"journal":{"name":"Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics","volume":"11 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140715316","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"On Pseudo-Coordination in the province of Catania","authors":"Vincenzo Nicolò Di Caro, Salvatore Menza","doi":"10.5565/rev/isogloss.289","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.289","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses the preliminary results of an exploratory study based on acceptability judgments about Pseudo-Coordination (PseCo) as found in the province of Catania (Sicily). PseCo is a monoclausal verbal periphrasis where an inflected verb (V1), usually of motion, is followed by another inflected verb (V2) with an optional connecting element between them (cf. Giusti, Di Caro and Ross 2022). In western Sicilian varieties, the V1 GO can occur as an invariable form (i.e., va-, vo-, uo-, o- as in Oppigghju u pani ‘I go and fetch the bread’) prefixed to the V2. An online anonymous questionnaire was administered to 295 participants (180 female, 115 male; Age M: 20,95 years, Age SD: 2,73 years) to assess whether (i) PseCo with V1 GO in the present indicative is productive among younger speakers; (ii) different forms of invariable V1 GO can cooccur in one and the same variety. The results show that PseCo in the province of Catania is still vital among younger generation of speakers and that invariable V1 GO generally occurs in at least two different forms but with no particular semantic specialization.","PeriodicalId":435969,"journal":{"name":"Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics","volume":"9 16","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140715773","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Syllable contact effects as a diachronic precursor to mora licensing in early French /sC/ clusters","authors":"Francisco Antonio Montaño","doi":"10.5565/rev/isogloss.282","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.282","url":null,"abstract":"This paper proposes that Old French coda /s/ deletion (11th-13th centuries) forms part of a broader diachronic progression of ever-stricter requirements on the sonority contour of /sC/ clusters in syllable contact, reframing part of a well-known moraic analysis (Gess 1998a, 1999, and later work) of Old French coda loss phenomena. Given the multistage rollout of coda /s/ deletion as a function of the sonority of the following onset, an approach hinging on syllable contact constraints not only offers a more detailed and precise formalization of the diachrony of word-medial /sC/ in Old French, but also draws systemic connections with cognate processes affecting /sC/ clusters in early French such as prothesis and earlier Proto-French stop epenthesis. The Optimality-Theoretic analysis presented here formalizes these phenomenological links and the constraints on syllable-contact sonority using the Split Margin Approach to the Syllable (Baertsch 2002, Baertsch & Davis 2003). Rather than sonority-graded mora-licensing constraints causing Old French coda /s/ deletion, the present account argues that their ranking above Faith is instead the acquisitional outcome of the near-total absence of coda /s/ across the lexicon, as a culminative result of the progressive tightening of syllable contact requirements.","PeriodicalId":435969,"journal":{"name":"Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics","volume":"14 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140715600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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