{"title":"The Great Fear of 1852: Riots against Enslavement in the Brazilian Empire","authors":"Sidney Chalhoub","doi":"10.1163/9789004386617_007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004386617_007","url":null,"abstract":"Recent studies on the history of slavery have often started off from the concept of Second Slavery, that is, the transformation of Atlantic slavery as part of the expansion of capitalism during the first decades of the nineteenth century, which resulted in “the opening of new zones of slave commodity production—most prominently the U.S. cotton zone, the Cuban sugar zone, and the Brazilian coffee zone—and the decline of older zones of slave production” (French and British Caribbean).1 There are several merits to the concept of Second Slavery, but I mention just two of them that are of special significance for this text. First, it draws attention to the fact that the first half of the nineteenth century did not involve the weakening of slavery in the Americas at all. Actually, there was a partial relocation of it; a persistence of slaveholding economies and societies that brings into sharp relief the indeterminacy of the historical process of slave emancipation. The concept of Second Slavery made it impossible to conceive the nineteenth century as the time of a linear transition from slavery to freedom, or from unfree to free forms of labor regimes. Second, it has made historians more aware of the interconnectedness and interdependence of the worlds of free and unfree labor. These two characteristics of the concept of Second Slavery seem to encapsulate an approach to labor history in capitalist societies that has been articulated by Marcel van der Linden in several of his works. According to him, the boundaries between free and unfree labor in capitalist societies tend to be “rather finely graded or vague”;","PeriodicalId":410938,"journal":{"name":"The Lifework of a Labor Historian: Essays in Honor of Marcel van der Linden","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126162480","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Beyond Labor History’s Comfort Zone? Labor Regimes in Northeast India, from the Nineteenth to the Twenty-First Century","authors":"W. Schendel","doi":"10.1163/9789004386617_010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004386617_010","url":null,"abstract":"What is global labor history about? The turn toward a world-historical understanding of labor relations has upset the traditional toolbox of labor historians. Conventional concepts turn out to be insufficient to grasp the dizzying array and transmutations of labor relations beyond the North Atlantic region and the industrial world. Attempts to force these historical complexities into a conceptual straitjacket based on methodological nationalism and Eurocentric schemas typically fail.1 A truly “global” labor history needs to feel its way toward new perspectives and concepts. In his Workers of the World (2008), Marcel van der Linden provides us with an excellent account of the theoretical and methodological challenges ahead. He makes it very clear that labor historians need to leave their comfort zone. The task at hand is not to retreat into a further tightening of the theoretical rigging: “we should resist the temptation of an ‘empirically empty Grand Theory’ (to borrow C. Wright Mills’s expression); instead, we need to derive more accurate typologies from careful empirical study of labor relations.”2 This requires us to place “all historical processes in a larger context, no matter how geographically ‘small’ these processes are.”3 This chapter seeks to contribute to a more globalized labor history by considering such “small” labor processes in a mountainous region of Asia. My aim is to show how these processes challenge us to explore beyond the comfort zone of “labor history,” and perhaps even beyond that of “global labor history”","PeriodicalId":410938,"journal":{"name":"The Lifework of a Labor Historian: Essays in Honor of Marcel van der Linden","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130057017","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Workers: New Developments in Labor History since the 1980s","authors":"J. Lucassen","doi":"10.1163/9789004386617_003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004386617_003","url":null,"abstract":"In 1971, at the age of 19, Marcel van der Linden—who took his M.A. in sociology at Utrecht University—had already started his publishing career, initially dealing with topics concerning political economy. In 1983 he joined the International Institute of Social History (iish) as a member of the section International Review of Social History and publications, headed by Arend van Woerden. This was just before the iish underwent a major reorganization under Eric Fischer (in charge from 1984 to 1993), in which the regional “cabinets” were discontinued and replaced by functional departments, including a separate research department.1 The “cabinet” staff who wished to, were given the option to become assistant researchers or researchers, which initially entailed the continuation of their source publications underway. However, Fischer wanted more: he felt the iish research department should concentrate on analytical historical research in close connection with historical departments at universities. Based at Utrecht University and a former colleague of Eric Fisher, in 1988 I was invited to put into practice this new research policy, which turned out not to be an easy task. However, by finding new funding and by offering parttime positions to colleagues who at the same time were able to maintain their professorial chairs at Dutch universities (for example Tony Saich for Chinese history, Eric Jan Zürcher for Turkish history, and later on Willem van Schendel for South-Asian history), a new start gradually became feasible. In this process it turned out that at the Institute, although in a different department, in Marcel I would find my natural ally. In 1987 he had succeeded Van Woerden to","PeriodicalId":410938,"journal":{"name":"The Lifework of a Labor Historian: Essays in Honor of Marcel van der Linden","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124184273","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Driving out the Undeserving Poor","authors":"J. Breman","doi":"10.1163/9789004386617_008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004386617_008","url":null,"abstract":"Peasant life based on a simple mode of production dominated the precapitalist history of a large part of humankind for millennia. Stone-age economics revolving around hunting and gathering, although continuously practiced in many zones of our planet, were steadily surpassed by more sedentary forms of work and living. Lack of control over natural resources did not allow for much more than precarious survival, but the condition of poverty that prevailed was a shared experience. Arrangements for production and livelihood took place in small-scale communities, and the majority of the world’s population lived in households that remained embedded in these primary anchor points of ancient civilizations. With a surplus siphoned off at the behest of supra-local lords engaged in early state formation, the peasantry produced for its own frugal subsistence. A communitarian ethos saw to it that they helped each other out in times of hardship; this redistribution was facilitated by the still cashless character of the localized economy. With an increase in output—the result of technological advancements that led to better control over the forces of nature—differentiation in the ownership of means of production set in and gave rise to a more varied life style, also at the local level. This was the beginning of a social divide, which according to Alexis de Tocqueville arose in a new stage of settled—that is, domesticated—agriculture following slash-and-burn cultivation. In his first Memoir on Pauperism (1834), he argued that:","PeriodicalId":410938,"journal":{"name":"The Lifework of a Labor Historian: Essays in Honor of Marcel van der Linden","volume":"65 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126502196","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Area Studies and the Development of Global Labor History","authors":"A. Eckert","doi":"10.1163/9789004386617_009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004386617_009","url":null,"abstract":"During the 1980s and 1990s, area studies and labor history both experienced a period of “baisse” and were given numerous obituaries. Harry Harootunian, a historian of Japan, labeled area studies a “dinosaur” and regarded, for instance, Asian studies as an illusion because, as he argued, there is no such thing as “Asia.”1 David Ludden, a specialist of South Asia, lamented that “there is no theory of area studies or of area-specific knowledge, only a set of institutional, personal, and fragmented disciplinary, market and professional interests that converge chaotically in questions of funding.”2 Mahmood Mamdani, a political scientist from Uganda teaching in New York, stated that the area studies enterprise is underpinned by two problematic core methodological claims. “The first sees state boundaries as boundaries of knowledge, thereby turning political into epistemological boundaries.” This led to the rule that every area studies specialist “must cultivate his or her own ‘local’ patch.” The second methodological claim he criticized is “that knowledge is about the production of facts. This view translates into a stubborn resistance to theory in the name of valorizing the fact.” However, “the single most important failing of area studies is that it has failed to frame the study of the ‘third world’ in broad intellectual terms.”3 After 9/11, Middle Eastern Studies in particular were suspected of cooperating","PeriodicalId":410938,"journal":{"name":"The Lifework of a Labor Historian: Essays in Honor of Marcel van der Linden","volume":"222 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123705083","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Capitalism and Its Critics. A Long-Term View","authors":"Jürgen Kocka","doi":"10.1163/9789004386617_005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004386617_005","url":null,"abstract":"The concept “capitalism” is much younger than the historical reality it denotes. While “capital” and “capitalist” are older, the noun “capitalism” did not emerge until after the second half of the nineteenth century. The French socialist Louis Blanc used it in 1850, and defined it critically as “appropriation of capital by some, to the exclusion of others.” In 1872, the German socialist Wilhelm Liebknecht railed against capitalism as a “juggernaut on the battlefields of industry.” And in Britain, the Fabian John A. Hobson, a critic of imperialism, was one of the first to use the concept in the 1890s. However, it did not take long before “capitalism” moved beyond its initially critical and polemical use, becoming a central concept in the social sciences. German authors such as Albert Schäffle, Werner Sombart, Max Weber, and—in a Marxist tradition—Rudolf Hilferding, contributed much to this. Karl Marx had written a great deal about the “capitalist mode of production” and “capitalist accumulation,” but he rarely used the noun “capitalism,” and if so, somewhat marginally. Presently the concept is “in,” particularly among historians, and particularly in the English-speaking world. In the American Historical Association’s state-of-the-field volume American History now, “History of capitalism” stands alongside established subfields such as “women’s history” and “cultural history.” A recent front-page article in the New York Times carried the headline, “In History Class(es), Capitalism Sees Its Stock Soar.” Some authors have started to speak of a “New History of Capitalism” they see emerging. In public debates, capitalism remains controversial. As Sven Beckert recently observed:","PeriodicalId":410938,"journal":{"name":"The Lifework of a Labor Historian: Essays in Honor of Marcel van der Linden","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123599180","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The ILO and the Oldest Non-profession","authors":"M. García","doi":"10.1163/9789004386617_006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004386617_006","url":null,"abstract":"In June 2010, the International Labour Organization (ilo) approved the first labor standard on hiv and aids in the world of work, and the ratification of Recommendation No. 200 has been hailed as a step forward by various sex workers’ organizations. As activists from the Global Network of Sex Work Projects write on their webpage, sex work is not specifically mentioned in the ilo recommendation, but they refer to the discussions during the drafting process and to subsequent meetings concerning hiv to emphasize the labor approach of the Geneva organization.1 The ilo, too, stresses that the recommendation “reaches out to all workers” and highlights its community-based initiatives to train sex workers.2 The use of the term “sex worker” instead of “prostitute” in its policy papers and communication on its hiv programs is also a clear indication of the ilo’s recent approach to prostitution. Sex work, however, remains in limbo in international labor law. In spite of its recognition in some national legal contexts (e.g. Germany, New Zeeland, and the Netherlands) and the increased worldwide activism of sex workers from the 1970s onward, the ilo has never advocated the legalization of prostitution. This paper provides a historical overview of the ilo’s stance toward prostitution. It argues that the ilo’s refusal to put forward an international labor standard that would place sex workers on an equal footing with other workers is linked to the generalized condemnation of commercial sex, which has deep roots. Furthermore, it highlights the divisions within the ilo that make the recognition of prostitution as a form of work difficult. The analysis unfolds in two sections. In the first part, I take the reader on a conceptual tour from","PeriodicalId":410938,"journal":{"name":"The Lifework of a Labor Historian: Essays in Honor of Marcel van der Linden","volume":"13 7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114162197","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"“With the Name Changed, the Story Applies to You!”: Connections between Slavery and “Free” Labor in the Writings of Marx","authors":"P. Brandon","doi":"10.1163/9789004386617_004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004386617_004","url":null,"abstract":"The field of Global Labor History that Marcel van der Linden more than anyone helped to develop, rests—among other elements—on the rejection of the idea that capitalism and “free” wage labor go hand in hand. This rejection entails a critique on both Marxian and Weberian approaches to labor history.1 It forms a major challenge to the theoretical framework of classical political economy in which “free” labor holds an important place. This was true for the founders of classical liberalism as well as for Marx, although they started from different theoretical assumptions and drew completely opposite political conclusions. Of these two, it is Marx who forms the real starting point for Van der Linden’s reconceptualization. In Van der Linden’s view, Marx’s analysis of capitalist development is at one and the same time “still the best we have,” but also one that contains serious “limitations, errors and immanent contradictions.”2 In an act of self-conscious heterodoxy, Van der Linden expands Marx’s notion of the centrality of commodified labor power to include forms of coerced labor that Marx explicitly excluded. This, he argues, is necessary for understanding capitalism’s past and its future. It forms the basis for a truly global labor history that acknowledges the many intermediary forms between plantation slavery as the most extreme form of coerced labor, and an idealized version of “free” wage labor, that have operated under the control of capital. Recognizing such intermediary forms is of special relevance for understanding the history of capitalism in colonial and post-colonial contexts. However, it also has important consequences for understanding capitalism in the West, where","PeriodicalId":410938,"journal":{"name":"The Lifework of a Labor Historian: Essays in Honor of Marcel van der Linden","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131330541","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}