Political Expertise: POLITEX最新文献

{"title":"THE POLITICAL WORLDVIEW OF VKONTAKTE COMMUNITIES: THE EXPERIENCE OF ANALYZING THE SUBJECTIVE SPACE OF POLITICS IN A NETWORK SOCIETY","authors":"I. Samarkina","doi":"10.21638/spbu23.2021.107","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2021.107","url":null,"abstract":"The article presents the results of a theoretical analysis of the political worldview as part of the subjective space of politics in a network society and its empirical verification. The author shows that the integration of phenomenology and the network approach allows researchers to advance their understanding of content and parameters of the political worldview of network communities as part of the subjective space of modern public policy. The analysis of the discourse of network communities makes it possible to identify, describe and analyze the features of their political worldview. The author presents an original methodology, created within the framework of the RFBR research project \"Subjective Space of Politics: Opportunities and Challenges of a Network Society\", for studying the political world view of network communities and the empirical results obtained with its usage. In particular, the typology of political worldviews existing in network communities is described. It reflects the structural and substantive components of the political worldview in the discourse of network communities: the core of the political worldview (reflecting the ontological level of the political worldview, including images of the Motherland, state, power), political roles, political institutions (the last two clusters reflect the basic level of the political worldview elements), political participation (reflects the instrumental level of the political worldview), socio-political problems). The typology of political worldviews of network communities identified (zero, horizontal, non-political, activity and political world view of active resistance) requires verification in further research. An important result of the empirical analysis is the identification of two political worldview profiles (closed and open) and their connection with the dominant type of participant socio-political activity in network communities. Further study in this direction will improve analytical and predictive tools for research and practical work with network communities.","PeriodicalId":374181,"journal":{"name":"Political Expertise: POLITEX","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132729123","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"THE FUTURE IS MULTIVARIATE: THROUGH THE VALUE CONFLICT TO A NEW MODEL OF DEVELOPMENT","authors":"A. Danilov","doi":"10.21638/spbu23.2021.101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2021.101","url":null,"abstract":"The article shows that the future is multivariate, the world has become anomalous and entered a period of global instability and unsteadiness and a new model of civilizational development is being formed. The choice of future development takes place in the sphere of culture on the basis of a value conflict, during which the selection of experience worthy of cultural transmission is carried out. Therefore, the very choice of the future civilizational development is not unambiguous. Values create a holistic image of a person’s life world, expressing an attitude towards reality. The filling of existing values with a new content is the result of the rooting of new worldview meanings, which reflect the state of culture as an environment in the depths of which the synthesis of traditional and emerging new civilizational experience is constantly taking place. On this path, strategies that preserve the basic values of the previous type of development compete with innovative aspirations focused on the search for new life meanings and updating the content of values that meet modern realities. New values are born in the depths of the old culture and form the shoots of the future civilization.","PeriodicalId":374181,"journal":{"name":"Political Expertise: POLITEX","volume":"61 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123465523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"IS RUSSIA AN EMPIRE OR A NATION-STATE? Book Review: Achkasov V. A. Russian Dilemma: Empire or Nation State: Monograph. Moscow, Yurayt Publishing House, 2019, 373 p.","authors":"N. Baranov","doi":"10.21638/spbu23.2020.307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2020.307","url":null,"abstract":"In the review of the book by Valery Achkasov, devoted to the study of ethno-political processes in Russia from the moment of its transformation into an empire to the present day, an attempt is made to comprehend the views of both the author and other scholars on significant ethno-political problems in regard to the correlation of an empire and a nation state, the formation of the Russian nation and Russian imperial nationalism, the influence of the Russian revolution on national politics, as well as on the Soviet experience of nation building. According to the reviewer, the author convincingly revealed the causes of the crisis of national identity in modern Russia and the peculiarities of regional identities, due to the characteristics of the status of the region as an integral part of the nation state. The author’s position, which casts doubt on the orientation of the Russian post-communist state towards the production of democratic and civic identities is of scientific interest as well as arguing for the promotion and actualization of identities, both ethnic and those oriented on the principle of loyalty to the state. Valery Achkasov’s conclusions are significant concerning the need to replace the model of interethnic interaction with the civil-political model of national integration and that Russia is in the process of forming a nation-state, which acts as the final result of the development of social integration.","PeriodicalId":374181,"journal":{"name":"Political Expertise: POLITEX","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128394997","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"BACK TO THE BEGINNING OF THE FUTURE: COMPARING DIGITAL POLICIES OF THE NETHERLANDS AND GERMANY","authors":"C. Feenstra","doi":"10.21638/spbu23.2020.304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2020.304","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this article is to compare the introduction of digital technologies in public administrations in the Netherlands and Germany. In academic research, models are developed to analyse the level of digitalization and performance of different organizations. Models serve to simplify reality in research, but the danger exists that this simplification starts to shape our understandings of different issues. In order for one to understand the current state of affairs, an understanding should be built towards the first initiatives regarding the digitalization of public administrations. Therefore, in this article, the policy notes of the Netherlands from 1995 and Germany from 2001 have been analysed and compared to determine the differences in designing and implementing digital technologies in public administrations. Different elements of the policy notes have been manually selected to offer a credible comparison of the two approaches towards digitalization. Due to the scope of this research, limited information has been provided about the influence of initiatives from the European level on the level of the Member States. The results show that both countries have a specific approach towards digitalization of public administration; the Netherlands focused on the utilization of the potential of digital technologies for her constitutional democracy. Germany, on the other hand, largely focused on developing the appropriate IT infrastructures as well as its central coordination. Finally, in the Netherlands, the government turned into a facilitator, enabling different actors to collaborate in numerous projects, with a strong focus on accessibility and inclusion. In Germany, despite the fact that the government already focused on the development and implementation of an IT infrastructure in the early 2000s, the focus is still laid on improving the digital infrastructure of the country.","PeriodicalId":374181,"journal":{"name":"Political Expertise: POLITEX","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134060820","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"CONVERGENCE OF TELEVISION AND THE INTERNET IN RUSSIA: POLITICAL ASPECT","authors":"D. Martyanov, Natalia Podlesskaia","doi":"10.21638/spbu23.2020.104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2020.104","url":null,"abstract":"The convergence of television and cyberspace is the final stage of traditional media and Internet integration. In connection with this, the social role of television is changing. The culture of consumption of television products is becoming different, and the transformation of the television audience is noticeable. Inevitably the question arises of new functions and a new strategy for the development of television in a post-global information individualized society. The authors consider such aspects of television transformation as a transition from the public sphere type to the filter bubble and echo chamber types. An alternative to traditional television on the Internet is stream- ing services and YouTube, the integration of which into the information space of the post-globalist nation-state remains controversial. Convergence of the Internet and television takes place both in the form of social television and in the form of representation of cyberspace in traditional television formats. Researchers focus on the Russian specifics of convergence of television and the Internet. The study examined the case of the use of Twitter microblogging materials in the TV program Time will tell on the Russian First Channel. An empirical analysis of tweets was made and the main patterns of communication were revealed in the program Time will tell.","PeriodicalId":374181,"journal":{"name":"Political Expertise: POLITEX","volume":"81 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126230332","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"POLITICAL PLAN OF TAKING OVER THE USA CONGRESS BY DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISTS IN THE POST-OBAMA ERA","authors":"I. Zhezhko-Braun","doi":"10.21638/spbu23.2020.110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2020.110","url":null,"abstract":"The congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio Cortez (AOC) offered a new political agenda for the USA, the Green New Deal, which was picked up by the 2020 Democratic candidates running for Pres- ident. The article analyzes the case of AOC and deals with the following questions: What organi- zations stand behind this project? What technologiеs and tactics did they use? Can their political technologies be considered as manipulative towards democratic elections? Our analysis reveals the two organizations behind the Cortez's elections, Justice Democrats and The Young Turks, as well as their new polittechnological project known as a Brand New Congress. It's goal is to replace members of Congress who do not share their radical socialist agenda with new members supported by their organizations. Thesе organizations of social organizers have participated in several presidential elections since 2004 and have invented political technology called “big organizing” or “distributed organizing.” The distributed organizing model moves away from the traditional hierarchical management structure, or the top-down model, and opts for the bottom-up model where volunteer leaders are assigned more autonomy in local campaigning efforts while they are still supervised by campaign managers. The authors of distributed organizing model also call it revolution tactics. The article describes other new political technologies used in the project: casting candidates from protest minorities, writing political and legislative initiatives for them as well as proposals, and assigning elected candidates their staffers. Social organizers claim that the revolution they work for tends to revitalize the democracy in the USA while, as it shown in the article, they in fact work around the democratic institutions, including elections, and aim to fundamentally transform the social system in the USA.The analysis makes these technologies visible and therefore open for professional and public discussion as well as for working out coun- termeasures to their manipulations.","PeriodicalId":374181,"journal":{"name":"Political Expertise: POLITEX","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132170392","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Contemporary Studies of the Political Opposition in Russia","authors":"R. Savenkov","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu23.2019.208","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu23.2019.208","url":null,"abstract":"Analysis of Russian researches on the problem of political opposition allows us to identify three main conceptual approaches to the study of political opposition: institutional (political), behavioral (sociological or procedural) and conflict-discursive. The institutional approach focuses on political and legal institutions and phenomena that create opportunities or limitations for the action of political opposition. The object of attention in the “sociological” tradition is social groups, their goals, values, self-identification, their own understanding of political and legal norms, and realizable patterns of behavior. The basis of the conflict-discursive approach is the analysis of political symbols, their means of interpretation, and actors of political (conflict) communication. A narrow and broad understanding of the political opposition has consolidated in Russian political science. With a narrow understanding, we are talking about a political party that has a minority in parliament, and with a broad understanding, we are talking about all participants in the political process, expressing their disagreement with the political course being implemented. A review of Russian studies allowed us to form a list of signs of a political opposition: dissent, a public designation of their disagreement and internal identification, the proposal of an alternative social development project, representation of groups of society, opposition of the authorities, organization, the ability to establish their own rules of the “game”, control over the activities of the authorities, disposition, the struggle for dominant positions in government, the desire for institutionalization, recruitment of counter-elites. A large place in the studies of Russian political scientists is occupied by the theoretical and practical definition of pseudo-opposition — the actors of the political process that imitate opposition activities, but do not meet the basic criteria of the opposition.","PeriodicalId":374181,"journal":{"name":"Political Expertise: POLITEX","volume":"176 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130049683","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The concept of “the right of peoples to self-determination” in modern politics and education","authors":"V. Achkasov","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu23.2019.201","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu23.2019.201","url":null,"abstract":"The article discusses debatable theoretical and complex practical problems associated with the implementation of the “right of peoples to self-determination”: the absence of a generally accepted definition of a “national minority”; a way to identify the “will of the people” to self-determination; the relationship between the borders of the state and the borders of nations; national self-determination and democracy; the right to national self-determination and the right to popular sovereignty; the compatibility of individual rights, the rights of national minorities to self-determination and the principle of the inviolability of state borders. As a result, the author comes to the conclusion that there is no one “only true” form of solving these problems, ideally, the people make the choice (in practice, their political elite) based on a large number of (sometimes not completely rational and even random) factors. However, the most important issue is to solve the problem of effective representation of ethnic groups’ / national minorities’ interests, since ethnic groups and other minorities are alienated when their access to power is limited. Author considers that for to solve this problem in states, that respect human rights, ethnicity must have only cultural, not political importance, because the subject of political sovereignty in these states is not “ethnos” but “demos”, so that is, all citizens of the state who may belong to different ethnic and cultural communities. That’s why the organic combination of collective rights of ethnic communities and minorities in multi-ethnical and polycultural society with the rights of individuals guaranteed and protected by the state is the most suitable way to provide democratic policy. This policy doesn’t lead to the formation of new ethnic nations and the emergence of new ethnocratic states. In that situation, inter-ethnic relations must not be based on an ideal model but on existing ethnopolitical reality and using the existing potential of existing imperfect political institutions.","PeriodicalId":374181,"journal":{"name":"Political Expertise: POLITEX","volume":"74 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127127912","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Paradigms of politics and political science","authors":"Dzhamal Z. Mutagirov","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu23.2019.203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu23.2019.203","url":null,"abstract":"Real politics, as it has been carried out and is implemented in the world for centuries, contributed to the fact that people formed an ambivalent relationship to it. Many understood politics as the manipulation by passions of people in a given area; they comprehend it as a dirty business or business segment, in which honest people do not wish to participate. Appeared even sayings that politics is an area of life into which “Angels do not want to enter” or “where enter anyone but man”. It is needless to say, such an attitude of the people is their natural reaction to the practice of power relations that are inconsistent with the theory of politics policies and standards of public decency. The true vocation of politics in society’s life is several other. Political science in unity with sociology and philosophy aims to become a kind of compass and effective guide, pointing the correct direction of social and human development. The article is a reflection on optimal policy paradigms and political science and on the conditions under which these paradigms may become a reality.","PeriodicalId":374181,"journal":{"name":"Political Expertise: POLITEX","volume":"173 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126176688","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Ethnic Aspect of the “Soft Power” Policy in the Implemetation of Geopolitical Projects in the Greater Mediterranean","authors":"D. Makovskaya, Sergey A. Bichakov","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu23.2019.305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu23.2019.305","url":null,"abstract":"В статье проведен анализ этнических аспектов политики «мягкой силы» при реализации геополитических проектов в Большом Средиземноморье. Рассмотрены понятия «проект», «политический проект», «геополитический проект». Выделена субъективная сторона геополитических проектов. Констатируется дефицит исследований роли отдельных элементов «мягкой силы» в реализации геополитических проектов, в том числе изучения феномена этничности в данном контексте. Обосновывается возможность конструктивного и деструктивного использования этнической составляющей политики «мягкой силы». Рассмотрены методологические возможности неореализма и конструктивизма в изучении этничности как ресурса «мягкой силы». На основе анализа французского средиземноморского проекта, турецкого пантюркистского проекта и взаимодействия Китая со странами Ближнего Востока выделены ключевые аспекты использования этнической составляющей в качестве ресурса политики «мягкой силы» при реализации геополитических проектов региональных и нерегиональных факторов международных отношений в Большом Средиземноморье. В частности, проводится анализ французского средиземноморского проекта как геополитического. Определено, что этническая составляющая «мягкой силы» Франции реализуется в основном через использование языка как одного из ключевых маркеров этнической идентичности. Анализируется турецкий пантюркистский проект. Показано, что наиболее эффективными средствами распространения турецкого влияния на тюркском пространстве, которое может быть классифицировано как проявление этнического компонента «мягкой силы», выступают использование влияния турецкой диаспоры, продвижение турецкой системы образования и популяризация турецкого языка. В статье раскрывается значение Ближнего Востока для крупных геополитических проектов в Китае. Отмечается, что для реализации этих проектов активно пропагандируются китайский язык и китайская культура в арабском мире, лоббистский потенциал китайской диаспоры используется как этническая составляющая «мягкой силы» Китая. Ключевые слова: проект, геополитический проект, мягкая сила, этничность, Средиземноморский геополитический проект, пантюркизм, китайско-арабское сотрудничество.","PeriodicalId":374181,"journal":{"name":"Political Expertise: POLITEX","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131298241","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}