Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies最新文献_第7页

Characteristics of Kim Jong-un’s leadership: analyzing the tone of official North Korean media 从朝鲜官方媒体的语气看金正恩领导的特点

Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/24761028.2020.1752425

Atsuhito Isozaki

{"title":"Characteristics of Kim Jong-un’s leadership: analyzing the tone of official North Korean media","authors":"Atsuhito Isozaki","doi":"10.1080/24761028.2020.1752425","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/24761028.2020.1752425","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper describes the characteristics of Kim Jong-un’s leadership primarily through the analysis of the tone observed in Rodong Sinmun, the official organ of the Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Korea (WPK). It has described five characteristics of the Kim Jong-un administration. The first characteristic is preference for fast-paced action. While there are considerable overlaps with previous studies, it is possible to clearly identify aspects that are different from the Kim Jong-il administration. The second characteristic is Kim Jong-un’s tendency toward pragmatism. He has repeatedly criticized “formalism” during his field inspections. Third, a new tendency to place greater importance on the policy-making process has become apparent. In addition to the plenary sessions of the Central Committee, meetings of the WPK Politburo Presidium, and Central Military Commission of the WPK are now convened, albeit irregularly. Fourth, obsession with certain specific issues is also characteristic of Kim Jong-un. His areas of concern are apparent from his works and from reports on his activities. These include science and technology, education, children, households, and families, the ilkun [executive staffs], buildings, vehicles, the air force, physical education, the Internet, and diversification of foreign trade. Lastly, the shift away from Songun is evident. The Kim Jong-un has increasingly distanced itself from the army-first Songun politics that symbolized the Kim Jong-il period. Kim Jong-un no longer mentions Songun. The National Defence Commission, which was the command center for the Songun system, was disbanded by an amendment to the Constitution.","PeriodicalId":37218,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"50 - 64"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/24761028.2020.1752425","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49360504","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

Religion and Nationalism in southeast Asia 东南亚的宗教与民族主义

Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/24761028.2020.1726555

Naomi W. Nishi

引用次数: 2

Four factors in the “special relationship” between China and North Korea: a framework for analyzing the China–North Korea Relationship under Xi Jinping and Kim Jong-un

Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/24761028.2020.1754998

M. Hoshino, Shunji Hiraiwa

{"title":"Four factors in the “special relationship” between China and North Korea: a framework for analyzing the China–North Korea Relationship under Xi Jinping and Kim Jong-un","authors":"M. Hoshino, Shunji Hiraiwa","doi":"10.1080/24761028.2020.1754998","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/24761028.2020.1754998","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Background Analyzing North Korea is essential for examining international relations in East Asia as a whole, but North Korea’s tight control over information makes this difficult. Another factor complicating analysis of North Korea is its “special relationship” with China. Purpose The aim of this paper is to examine four factors contributing to the “special relationship” between China and North Korea, how that relationship came about, and how it functions within the context of international politics today. Main Argument This paper is a structural analysis of China–North Korea relations that describes four factors behind their “special relationship.” It continues by analyzing China–North Korea relations under Xi Jinping and Kim Jong-un up to the deployment of THAAD in South Korea. Conclusion The “special relationship” between China and North Korea is based on four factors. What is distinctive about these factors is that they can bring the two sides together but also push them apart. In terms of national security issues, the force bringing them together has ultimately prevailed. Socialist ideology issues have surfaced much less frequently now and have lost their capacity to both bring the two together and push them apart. In the area of traditional ties, the two leaders are attempting to use their personal relationship to have closer relations, but this is not having much lasting effect. Where economic relations are concerned, Beijing and Pyongyang have become even more dependent on each other and this is a strong force pushing them closer together.","PeriodicalId":37218,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"18 - 28"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/24761028.2020.1754998","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43281923","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 8

Window of opportunity for a New Détente: “Tight Link Strategy” of Moon Jae- in Administration and ROK–DPRK–US triangle 新缓和的机会之窗：文在寅政府与韩朝美三角关系的“紧密联系战略”

Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/24761028.2020.1760430

Kyungwon Choi

{"title":"Window of opportunity for a New Détente: “Tight Link Strategy” of Moon Jae- in Administration and ROK–DPRK–US triangle","authors":"Kyungwon Choi","doi":"10.1080/24761028.2020.1760430","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/24761028.2020.1760430","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Regarding North Korea’s denuclearization and peace-building on the Korean Peninsula, South-North Korean dialogues used to be secondary to the United States (US) and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea(DPRK) negotiations. There were frictions between the two. However, this situation changed on the road to the US-DPRK summits in Singapore on June 12, 2018, and in Hanoi on February 26, 2019. From the perspective of a “détente as a policy,” this paper will define the Moon Jae-in administration’s policy as a “Tight Link Strategy” and examine how South Korea was trying to connect the South-North Korean dialogue and the US-DPRK negotiations tightly. The “Tight Link Strategy” has two aspects: one is that it made a new way to a “Fourth Détente” on the Korean Peninsular. Through this strategy, President Moon Jae-in was able to cooperate with Chairman Kim Jong-un for an integrated policy to obtain concrete results on denuclearization and peace-building at the US-DPRK summit. The other aspect is that the “Tight Link Strategy” contained a risk: if US-DPRK negotiation stagnates, the progress in the South-North Korean dialogue will become difficult as well. This risk became a reality after the failure of the US-DPRK summit in Hanoi and caused the stagnation of South-North Korean relations. The Moon Jae-in administration will probably try to change its “Tight Link Strategy” policy. South Korea is now trying to expand its policy space toward North Korea by promoting individual tourism to North Korea, and the railway-road connection project between South and North Korea. At the same time, he will have to avoid possible friction with the United States for policy coordination toward North Korea and use a “Loose Link” between South-North Korean dialogues and US-DPRK negotiations.","PeriodicalId":37218,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"29 - 49"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/24761028.2020.1760430","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44860274","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

China’s governance model and system in transition 转型中的中国治理模式和体制

Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies Pub Date : 2020-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/24761028.2020.1744229

Z. Bai, Juan Liu

引用次数: 6

Constructing dynamic security governance: institutional peace through multilateralism in the Asia Pacific 构建动态安全治理:亚太多边主义的制度性和平

Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/24761028.2019.1675240

Kai He

引用次数: 3

ASEAN centrality under threat – the cases of RCEP and connectivity 东盟中心地位受到威胁——以RCEP和互联互通为例

Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/24761028.2019.1691703

L. Mueller

引用次数: 16

Reisenki Nikkan Anzenhosho Kankei No Keisei [Formation of the Japan-South Korea security relationship during the Cold War] Reisenki Nikkan Anzenhosho Kankei No Keisei[冷战期间日韩安全关系的形成]

Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/24761028.2019.1695306

Haruka Matsuda

引用次数: 0

Does regionalization promote regionalism? Evidence from East Asia 区域化是否促进了区域主义？来自东亚的证据

Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/24761028.2019.1693944

Hiroyuki Hoshiro

{"title":"Does regionalization promote regionalism? Evidence from East Asia","authors":"Hiroyuki Hoshiro","doi":"10.1080/24761028.2019.1693944","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/24761028.2019.1693944","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Scholars generally agree that regionalization and regionalism are different phenomena; however, unresolved arguments remain as to whether there is a causal relationship between the two. In particular, whether or not regionalization promotes regionalism is a subject of debate. This paper aims to comprehensively clarify and explain the relationship between regionalization as embodied in trade and foreign direct investment (FDI) and regionalism as characterized by preferential trade agreements (PTAs) using event history analyses of East Asian economic data from 1985 to 2018. The paper concludes that although a positive and significant relationship exists between FDI and some types of PTAs, trade has no relationship with the latter. This conclusion challenges extant literature, which has argued that an increase in PTAs in East Asia (the outcome of regionalism) is the consequence of economic interdependence (regionalization). Moreover, these findings indicate that political factors such as territorial disputes and joint democracy negatively affect certain types of PTAs. This result is contrary to the conventional wisdom that predicts increased cooperation and lower tariffs between democracies and therefore suggests further investigations of the determinants of PTAs.","PeriodicalId":37218,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies","volume":"8 1","pages":"199 - 219"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/24761028.2019.1693944","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46254590","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

Further development of Asian regionalism: institutional hedging in an uncertain era 亚洲地区主义的进一步发展:不确定时代的制度对冲

Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/24761028.2019.1688905

Mie Oba

{"title":"Further development of Asian regionalism: institutional hedging in an uncertain era","authors":"Mie Oba","doi":"10.1080/24761028.2019.1688905","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/24761028.2019.1688905","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Currently, the confrontation between two global giants, the United States and China, in trade and technology advancement and hegemony in international politics is escalating. The possibility of a Sino-U.S. economic “war,” or the so-called “new Cold War,” not only indicates the escalation of this confrontation but also symptomizes the international order’s transformation as a result of the change in power balance and rise of a challenger against the existing United States–led international liberal order. Most IR specialists focus on the prospects of this confrontation and its uncertain worldwide circumstances and are concerned about its impact on East Asian/Asia Pacific regional circumstances. Among them, prospects regarding regionalism and regional institutions in Asia seem pessimistic. However, Asian regionalism was activated following the decline in United States’ power and rise of China as a global power, and the international liberal order’s retreat became visible toward the end of the 2000s. Furthermore, even under the uncertain situations created by the Sino-U.S. confrontation, regional powers, including China, Japan, and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), are promoting their multilateral approach by proposing and advancing various regional frameworks. This indicates that each regional power is adopting the “institutional hedging” strategy to ensure that their individual interests are satisfied and the regional order is comfortable for themselves. This paper verifies that regionalism and regional institutions have become important as measures of regional power for countries’ institutional hedging strategies to overcome the challenges posed by the beginning of regional uncertainties and that Asian regionalism is more active today than ever before.","PeriodicalId":37218,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies","volume":"8 1","pages":"125 - 140"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/24761028.2019.1688905","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42438966","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 6