International Journal of Political Science & Urban Studies最新文献

{"title":"“The Final Push Against the Eternal Enemy” The Serbian Preparations for the First Balkan War","authors":"Danilo Šarenac","doi":"10.14782/IPSUS.539391","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14782/IPSUS.539391","url":null,"abstract":"The Ottoman Empire played an important role in the formation of the Serbian nationalism. It was perceived as an archenemy that had to be pushed away from the Balkans. The paper explores the Serbian preparations for the potential conflict with the Ottoman Empire at the end of the XIX century. From 1878 to1912 Serbian state invested huge resources in its military in order to be prepared for exploiting any favorable opportunity for penetrating into the “Serbian historical lands” –Kosovo and Macedonia. Apart from the army, the preparatory work encompassed all the aspects of social life such as education, art or public discourse. Decades of meticulous work brought results in October of 1912 when Serbia’s citizens responded in formidable numbers to the mobilization call. However, Serbian war preparations were too focused on defeating the Ottoman troops which was linked with troublesome history of the Serb-Turkish relations during the entire XIX century. Problems of postwar organization of the new territories were hardly tackled in detail. Moreover, the Serbian national project was too narrow for encompassing diverse ethnical and religious communities which lived in the former Ottoman possessions in the Balkans.","PeriodicalId":332841,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Political Science & Urban Studies","volume":"55 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122008867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Why not Activated? The Temporary Protection Directive and the Mystery of Temporary Protection in the European Union","authors":"H. Genç, N. Ş. Öner","doi":"10.14782/IPSUS.539105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14782/IPSUS.539105","url":null,"abstract":"Following the conflicts in former Yugoslavia, temporary protection was introduced as a crucial element of the European Union’s (EU) response to refugee crises. The EU even adopted a directive, the Temporary Protection Directive, regarding its implementation. However, despite several refugee crises, it was not activated. Building on a comprehensive analysis of official documents of European institutions and the available secondary literature, this article investigates the main reasons behind its inactivation. It reveals that the real concerns of EU Member States lay in the measures promoting a balance of efforts to provide temporary protection. In other words, Member States’ concerns over responsibility and burden sharing cast a shadow over temporary protection in the EU. The article concludes that the Directive’s inactivation indicates a crisis of fundamental principles in European integration. Keywords: asylum, European Union, refugee crisis, temporary protection, solidarity","PeriodicalId":332841,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Political Science & Urban Studies","volume":"344 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116211269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Deparliamentarization in Turkey: A Major Decline in the Scrutiny Function","authors":"Mehmet Kabasakal","doi":"10.14782/IPSUS.539212","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14782/IPSUS.539212","url":null,"abstract":"In parliamentary democracies, governments are formed through parliamentary elections, and both the cabinet and budget must receive the confidence of the legislature. The “golden age”, when parliaments make laws without any pressure from the executives and have strong control over cabinets, ended by 20th century. For the last few decades, however, legislative studies have been pointing to a shift in the balance of power from the legislative to the executive branch in many countries. The declining power of parliaments is explained by many factors. Scholars who studied “declining parliaments” generally agree on the commonly accepted contributing factors for deparliamentarization. These factors are “constitutional arrangements, increasing global regulations, the complexity of issues and technicalfocus in policy making, disciplinary party structures, the lack of intra-party democracy, the domination of parties by their leaders, and electoral systems.” Although a trend of deparliamentarization has been noted, mainly in parliamentary democracies, the decline of parliaments has not been as glaring and forbidding everywhere. Thus, the variation, especially among similar democratic systems, calls for a closer analysis of country cases. This study examines Turkey, and discusses the changes regarding the power balance between the executive and legislative branches of government by identifying the pattern of changes in constitutions and country’s electoral system, and party structures which tend to stress party discipline and maintain leaders’ control. The paper analyzes the politics of Turkey between 1946 and 2014 especially by focusing on the AKP rule after 2002. The power shift in Turkey has been from parliamentary supremacy to a very strong executive, and deparliamentarization has been particularly rapid and profound since the 1980s,. In 2017, a change in the constitution allowed a transition to a presidential system and the new system is legalized by the constitutional amendments. The paper concludes with the analysis that there is a significant decline in the power of the parliament in Turkey, after 1980s, mainly in its scrutiny function. The longitudinal study of changes shows that deparliamentarization, or the increase in the power of the executive, was caused by multiple domestic and international factors that occurred simultaneously and reinforced each other’s impact. The significant difference of Turkey from the other world cases are rapid constitutional changes, increasing leader authority within the parties, and existence of dominant party system in Turkey since 15 years.","PeriodicalId":332841,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Political Science & Urban Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130035112","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Rethinking the Iranian Islamic Revolution of 1979 with the Security Dilemma of the Cold War","authors":"M. Balci, E. Deniz","doi":"10.14782/ipsus.539200","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14782/ipsus.539200","url":null,"abstract":"The case of Iranian Revolution can be interpreted in different ways in the light of the fact that it is still a revolution that continues to be written and discussed too much about. The study of the Iranian Revolution in literature, in general, confronts a growing resistance with the influence of the opposition people who oppose the oppression of the Pahlavi Dynasty dictatorship and grows under the influence of the Islamic phenomenon. However, in order to understand the Iranian Revolution, the perspective that is focused on the internal dynamics will not be sufficient. The external dynamics and the interaction of external dynamics with these actors must be a further perspective that needs to be focused to understand this particular revolution. In this article, the differences of the Iranian Revolution are evaluated in a different perspective from the point of view of the literature. Rather than explaining the revolution with the historical process, it focused on the external dynamics that constitute the historical process. While evaluating the external dynamics, it is explained that the anarchy created by the Cold War in the international system through the security dilemma, and that the internal dynamic effect of this dilemma in a strategic country such as Iran could be realized by developing the anti-imperialist identity building of Khomeini through discourse and integrating all opposition groups. While evaluating the external dynamics, it is explained that the anarchy created by the Cold War in the international system through the security dilemma, and that the internal dynamic effect of this dilemma in a strategic country such as Iran could be realized by developing the Anti-Imperialist identity building of Khomeini through discourse and realizing the Islamic revolution of all opposition groups.","PeriodicalId":332841,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Political Science & Urban Studies","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130054480","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Arap İsyanları Sonrasında Ortadoğu’da Vekalet Savaşları: Yemen Örneği","authors":"Veysel Kurt","doi":"10.14782/IPSUS.541337","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14782/IPSUS.541337","url":null,"abstract":"Bu calisma 2011 sonrasinda Yemen’deki siyasal degisim ve catisma surecine odaklanmaktadir. Bazi donum noktalarini goz onunde bulundurarak catisma surecinin hangi formlara burundugunu belirleme iddiasindadir. Bu baglamda calisma, 2011 yilinda rejim degisimi talepleri ile baslayan ayaklanmalarin 2014 yilinin basindan itibaren catisma eksenli bir vekalet savasina donustugunu ve halen bu zeminde seyrettigini savunmaktadir. Gecis surecini yonetmek uzere 2013 yilinda olusturulan Ulusal Diyalog Konferansi (UDK)’nin sonuclarini kabul etmeyen cesitli aktorlerin yeniden catisma surecini baslatmalari bu anlamda bir donum noktasi olarak kabul edilmektedir. 2014 yilindan itibaren olusan guc boslugunda catisma yerel gucler arasinda siddetlense de uluslararasi aktorlerin destegi ve dogrudan mudahalesi daha gorunur bir seviyeye gelmistir. Calisma Yemen’deki vekalet savasinin uluslararasi ve bolgesel aktorleri olarak Iran, Suudi Arabistan/Birlesik Arap Emirlikleri (BAE) ve Amerika Birlesik Devletleri (ABD)’yi; yerel aktorler olarak da, Husiler (Ensarullah), Abdu Rabbu Mansur Hadi’ye bagli hukumet gucleri ve Yemen El-Kaidesi olarak kabul etmektedir. Soz konusu vekalet savasinda taraflar Suudi Arabistan ile ittifak halindeki Hadi gucleri ile Iran Iran ve yerel vekilleri arasinda bir mucadele soz konusudur. ABD ise hukumetle koordinasyon halinde El-Kaide’ye karsi operasyonlar yurutmektedir.","PeriodicalId":332841,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Political Science & Urban Studies","volume":"31 11","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133391215","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime: Are New Institutions Needed?","authors":"H. Saygin, Ö. S. Uzun","doi":"10.14782/ipsus.539196","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14782/ipsus.539196","url":null,"abstract":"The existence of nuclear weapons, including the increasing of tactical nuclear weapons, is the major cause of a current nuclear threat at both the international and regional levels. In addition to the continuation of political and military motivations of states to acquire nuclear weapons, the institutional challenges of nuclear nonproliferation do also complicate this current problem. Even though the political and military motivations of states to acquire nuclear weapons are examined by the vast amount of studies, the effectiveness of international nuclear regime is rarely analyzed. Regarding the continuation of nuclear energy importance and the dual nature of nuclear technology, the necessity for reliable and effective institutions to prevent proliferation of nuclear weapons became more apparent. Therefore, this article aims to shed light on the ineffectiveness of the current international nuclear regime and the need for new institutional mechanism. This article analyzed the effectiveness of international nuclear regime measuring its capability of problem-solving, reducing nuclear motivations of states, providing legal framework and verification process, and creating and consolidating normative principles. While the nuclear regime could partly be seen as effective regarding the low number of current nuclear weapon states than the expected numbers in 1960s, it faces with serious challenges in solving the nuclear problem. One of the challenges emerges because of the lack of universal acceptance of the international treaties and organizations. The regime has also not effectively addressed to reduce the nuclear motivations of states. Even though it has provided legal framework and verifying process, there are still difficulties to detect nuclear activities for military purposes. Lastly, the regime has effectively created the non-use and deterrence norms, while failed to create and consolidate the nonproliferation norm, based on total elimination of nuclear weapons. In fact, this article argues that the current institutional mechanism should be revised considering the causes of threats; furthermore, new mechanisms should be established in order to meet the newly emerged challenges in the post-Cold War era. In that respect, this article firstly analyzes the ineffectiveness of current international nuclear regime in order to demonstrate the urgent need for a paradigm shift. Then, it suggests a new multilateral mechanism, as an attempt to contribute to create a discussion platform for alternative institutional mechanisms.","PeriodicalId":332841,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Political Science & Urban Studies","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127788148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Why did They Leave? Perceptions on the Turkish Emigration from Dobrogea to Turkey (1918-1940)","authors":"Metin Omer","doi":"10.14782/IPSUS.539390","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14782/IPSUS.539390","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper I try to present the perceptions of a process that marked not only the evolution of the relations between two countries (Romania and Turkey) but also determined some important social changes in the Turkish-Tatar community from Dobrogea, Romanian province known as Dobrudja in the Turkish historiography. In order to obtain an accurate image we used in our research documents from Romanian and Turkish archives, Romanian press, Turkish press and the press of Turkish-Tatar community from Dobrogea. In our analysis we consider Dobrogea, the main region of Romania where Turks and Tatars leave, a “contact zone”, a term used by Mary Louise Pratt (1992: 4) for “social spaces where disparate cultures meet, clash, and grapple with each other”. We also consider the emigration from Dobrogea to Turkey in the interwar as part of “balkanlasma gocleri” (Balkanization migration), a term used by Turkish researcher Ilhan Tekeli to designate the emigration from the ex-Ottoman territoires in the Balkans to Anatolia (or more specifically within the new borders of Ottoman Empire/Turkish Republic). Tekeli (2013: 44-45) argues that “Balkanization migration” has a direct connection with the process of formation of the national states in the Balkans.","PeriodicalId":332841,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Political Science & Urban Studies","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132409016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Explaining Turkey’s Foreign Policy in the Middle East through the Analysis of International Agreements","authors":"Gül Arikan Akdağ, Aylin Aydın Çakır","doi":"10.14782/ipsus.539211","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14782/ipsus.539211","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":332841,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Political Science & Urban Studies","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127580820","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Sense of Social Justice from Redistribution to Recognition","authors":"Ali Gök","doi":"10.14782/IPSUS.449955","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14782/IPSUS.449955","url":null,"abstract":"Social justice, shaped under modern conditions, treats the redistribution of social resources in an ideal institutional and political structure based on normative principles. The role of the state in such a structure is to organize the existing inequalities within the framework of a distributive conception of justice. John Rawls’ theory, based on a liberal egalitarian perspective, is considered to be the most mature statement of this contemporary conception of justice. Modern social conditions, on the other hand, have important implications not only on the redistribution of resources but also on the intersubjective * Bu çalışma Marmara Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Siyaset ve Sosyal Bilimler Doktora Programı bünyesinde Prof. Dr. Deniz Vardar’ın danışmanlığında hazırlanan “Dağıtım ve Tanınma Bağlamında Toplumsal Adalet” başlıklı doktora tezinden üretilmiştir. ** Ar. Gör. Alihan Gök, Marmara Üniversitesi Siyaset Bilim ve Kamu Yönetimi (Fransızca) Bölümü, alihan.gok@marmara.edu.tr, Orcid: 0000-0001-9148-3017","PeriodicalId":332841,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Political Science & Urban Studies","volume":"242 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133834510","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Bulgarian National Culture: Debates during the National Revival Period “Ex-centrism”, “ego-centrism”, Ottoman Context","authors":"Anna Alexieva","doi":"10.14782/IPSUS.460127","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14782/IPSUS.460127","url":null,"abstract":"The paper is focused on the problem of conceptualization of the National Culture which took place during the second half of XIX c. That period coincided with so called National Revival Epoch – an emotional concept, particular for Bulgarian popular and academic publicity. The analysis is based on the key notions “egocentric nationalism” and “ex-centric nationalism”, forged by Nikolay Trubetskoy. The intellectuals, which followed the conception of the “ex-centric nationalism”, used to imagine the national culture representations in accordance with the images of the French culture, dominant that time. Intelligentsia, related to the concepts of the “ego-centric nationalism”, insisted on the representation of national culture as having its own center, and could be defined as oriented to the ideas set of the autochtonism. Thus, the second group is famous with initiatives, related to folklore researches and popularizing the medieval heritage, regarded as “Golden Era”. These two ideological tendencies are marked with one initial paradox. From one side, national cultural policy making emerged in the context of so called National Revival period as an intellectual instrument to establish symbolical distance between the national essentiality and the Ottoman heritage, using Russian culture, the cultures of the Western Europe or of the local “authenticity” and “people’s’ tradition” as they were accessible through accessible representations of them. From the other side, these debates were born during the Tanzimât era as direct outcome of the modernization projects which were taking place in the Ottoman Empire that time: a context, where so called National Revival Epoch was installed. There is one more paradox: these discussions remained underrepresented and distanced from the mass cultural taste. Peoples’ attitudes towards the image of the national culture, incompatible with the visions by the intelligentsia, neglected the options for civilization orientation and struggles for national essentiality, keeping on numerous Ottoman key cultural elements.","PeriodicalId":332841,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Political Science & Urban Studies","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115568809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}