{"title":"Postdivorce Father Involvement: Innovations in Child Custody Reform","authors":"J. D. Lambert","doi":"10.3998/MFR.4919087.0003.106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3998/MFR.4919087.0003.106","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":32430,"journal":{"name":"Michigan Family Review","volume":"32 1","pages":"65"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1998-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83604632","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Becoming a Father: Marital Perceptions and Behaviors of Fathers during Pregnancy","authors":"J. Curtis, Libby Balter Blume, T. W. Blume","doi":"10.3998/MFR.4919087.0003.104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3998/MFR.4919087.0003.104","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":32430,"journal":{"name":"Michigan Family Review","volume":"15 1","pages":"31"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1998-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72736374","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Beyond the Myths: Paternal Values of Latino Fathers","authors":"Francisco A. Villarruel, J. Chahin","doi":"10.3998/MFR.4919087.0003.103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3998/MFR.4919087.0003.103","url":null,"abstract":"As the Latino population becomes the largest minority group in the United States, it is critical that they become an integral part of all aspects of society. Increasingly, the well being of society will depend on the well being of this and other minority groups. More important, the well being of society will inextricably be linked to the health and resiliency of families and communities.In spite of early press, most notably Time magazine's proclamation that the 1980s would be \"The Decade of Hispanics,\" the situation of Latinos in the United States during the past two decades has been tenuous (see Massey, 1992; Melendez, 1992; and Morales & Bonilla, 1993 for reviews). The reality is that they have faced enormous economic (Aponte, 1991, 1993; Carnoy, Daley, & Ojeda, 1993; Morales & Ong, 1993; Santiago, 1995; Santiago & Wilder, 1991), housing (Santiago & Wilder, 1991) and other social hardships (e.g., California's proposition 187: the \"war\" on immigration) which have impacted the well being of their families.During the past two decades, however, two significant trends have been noted. First, the scientific community has focused more attention on issues related to the health and well being of Latino families, as seen in the growing literature in an array of disciplinary based publications. Notably, there is a growing body of scientific inquiry in the area of Latino youth and families (e.g., Baca Zinn & Eitzen, 1993; Carrasquillo, 1991; Vega, 1990; Sotomayor, 1992; Zambrana, 1995). Yet upon closer review, a second and perhaps more disturbing trend emerges: There is only a limited focus on the paternal and parenting roles of Latino fathers. With the exception of Mirande's work (1988, 1991), little research has been conducted which examines the role of fathers in families from a paternal perspective. This is somewhat surprising given that Latino families are generally described as being allocentric or collective. In other words, families have been observed to possess a relatively strong sense of mutual empathy, trust in groups, and a readiness to support one another. While collective experience has been described as more apparent in times of stress and hardship (Baca Zinn & Eitzen, 1993; Hurtado, 1995; Ortiz, 1995; Sotomayor, 1992; Vega, 1990, 1995), it nonetheless serves as an underpinning for extended family relations.It is important to stress that while Latino families have been described as allocentric and collective, the specific roles that fathers assume within the family have not been adequately underscored. The aforementioned lack of research focused on Latino fathers does not imply a lack of parental involvement. In many Latino families, the father is central to the nuclear family constellation as well as to the extended family network, frequently assuming the responsibility for establishing extra-familial boundaries and maintaining these relationships.Moreover, the importance of extended family marks a unique aspect of Latino families--that of","PeriodicalId":32430,"journal":{"name":"Michigan Family Review","volume":"23 1","pages":"17"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1998-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91309973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
R. Palkovitz, Shawn L. Christiansen, Christian Dunn
{"title":"Provisional Balances: Fathers' Perceptions of the Politics and Dynamics of Involvement in Family and Career Development","authors":"R. Palkovitz, Shawn L. Christiansen, Christian Dunn","doi":"10.3998/MFR.4919087.0003.105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3998/MFR.4919087.0003.105","url":null,"abstract":"4. Christian Dunn is an undergraduate student, Department of Individual and Family Studies, University of Delaware.Contemporary literature often emphasizes the new \"culture of fatherhood\" (LaRossa, 1988), highlighting care giving and nurturant interactions between fathers and their children (Robinson & Barret, 1986; Rotundo, 1985). Because work and family compete for a father's time and attention (Cohen, 1993; Lamb, Pleck & Levine, 1987; Levine & Pittinsky, 1997), a father's investment in paid employment can be portrayed as an escape from involvement at home (Hochschild, 1997). While this may be true in some cases, this view neither captures the complex interactions between the multiple roles that fathers fulfill as they care for the needs of their families nor the struggles men face in balancing career development and involvement as fathers.This qualitative study represents a selected portion of an open-ended, structured interview with 40 demographically diverse men ranging in age from 22 to 45 years (mean age 34.68 years, s.d. 6.88 years). Men were interviewed concerning their perceptions of changes in their life course and personality attributable to fathering. This report examines the balances between paternal involvement in child rearing, commitment to work, career trajectories, company policies toward father involvement in family matters, and men's perceptions of supports and obstacles to involvement represented in the interface between the home and the workplace. Of particular interest are fathers' perceptions of the dialectics of involvement in family and workplace.To qualify for inclusion in the sample, fathers could have children of any age and the children could be biological, adopted, stepchildren or fictive kin. The fathers could be either co-resident or living in another household. The sample represented diversity in ethnicity, education, occupational achievement and status, degree of paternal involvement in child rearing, and father's age at time of first child's birth. The average father in the sample had two biological children (mean = 1.98, s.d. .83). Ten of the forty men fathered a total of 19 stepchildren (range 1-4, mean 1.90 stepchildren per stepfather). The average age of firstborn biological children was 10.00 years (s.d. 6.23), and the average age at the time of men's transitions to fatherhood was 26.15 years (s.d. 5.03 years). For further demographic information, please refer to Table 1.Table 1. Demographic Characteristics SummaryAGE NUMBER20-25 526-30 631-35 1036-40 941-45 10ETHNICITY NUMBERAfrican American 8Caucasian 31Hispanic 1EDUCATION NUMBERLess than High School 1High School/G.E.D. 7Some College 152 Year College Degree 44 Year College Degree 5Graduate Course work 3Masters' Degree 3Doctoral Course work 1Doctoral Degree 1RELIGION NUMBERCatholic 8Christian 7No Preference 6Methodist 5Baptist 3Pentecostal 3Agnostic 1Assemblies of God 1Charismatic 1Evangelical Free 1Lutheran 1Orthodox 1Presbyterian 1Protestant 1INCOME NU","PeriodicalId":32430,"journal":{"name":"Michigan Family Review","volume":"21 1","pages":"45"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1998-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74703962","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Family Businesses as Economic Phenomenon","authors":"R. Kleiman, E. Peacock","doi":"10.3998/MFR.4919087.0002.208","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3998/MFR.4919087.0002.208","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":32430,"journal":{"name":"Michigan Family Review","volume":"4 1","pages":"93"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1997-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80561588","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
David R. Imig, Janet Bokemeier, D. Keefe, Cynthia B. Struthers, Gail L. Imig
{"title":"The Context of Rural Economic Stress in Families with Children","authors":"David R. Imig, Janet Bokemeier, D. Keefe, Cynthia B. Struthers, Gail L. Imig","doi":"10.3998/MFR.4919087.0002.206","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3998/MFR.4919087.0002.206","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":32430,"journal":{"name":"Michigan Family Review","volume":"137 1","pages":"69"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1997-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73292216","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Chronic Poverty and the Struggle for Family Survival: The Rhetoric and Reality of Welfare 'Reform'","authors":"V. Polakow","doi":"10.3998/MFR.4919087.0002.203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3998/MFR.4919087.0002.203","url":null,"abstract":"Right now I'm at the stage where everything is piling, bills and all little things. Little things are things that do it. I can't find a baby-sitter right now 'cos I can't pay her--I try to go get help from welfare and they tell me I make too much ... it's one thing after another going on in my life. I gotta find a way to work, to go to school, to the laundromat, to get food--now my car broke down...No matter how hard you try you're always going to be two steps behind, because whoever the force is, doesn't want you to succeed.--Joey, a young single mother of two-year-old twins [3]I lived in public housing in Detroit, I stayed there for two years, and I know the debilitating factors that it takes just to survive. People have tried and tried and tried to find jobs; it's a vicious circle and after you get the door slammed in your face, you don't have the will to go out there and fight anymore...I got a little slip in my son's pocket saying I owed $900 in child care and saying don't bring my children back until that is paid...I couldn't do it so I tried to go back on welfare. It was either pay my rent or pay child care...so I called social services and asked them about getting my benefits again and my worker said I had to wait two months, so I stopped work in November and she said I wouldn't get any benefits until January. I asked my worker, \"How'm I supposed to live? and she said, \"It's not for me to tell you!\"--Tanya, a single mother of two young children [4]Chronic Poverty and Single Mother FamiliesIn the United States, where chronic poverty has become an endemic feature of the landscape of the other America, the largest constituency of poor Americans is young children--and the younger in age the higher the risk. While 21% of children under 18 are classified as living in poverty, 25% of children under 6 and 27% under 3 years old live in poverty (Children's Defense Fund, 1996), with the majority residing in poor single mother households. It is clear that the increasing economic vulnerability of the single mother family represents a child welfare crisis of growing magnitude that has been further exacerbated by recent welfare repeal legislation. The failure of public policy to address the daily survival needs of economically vulnerable single mothers also threatens their children's basic physical, social, and developmental needs.The term, \"feminization of poverty,\" has been widely used since the late 1970s to describe the particular plight of women who, as single mothers, are disproportionately poor and face an alarming array of obstacles which threaten their family stability (Ehrenreich & Piven, 1984; Goldberg & Kremen, 1990; Gordon, 1990; Pearce, 1978; Polakow, 1993, 1995); and by the late 1980s women and their children had become a significant majority of America's poor (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1989). Unmet needs in housing, health care, and child care frequently coalesce to form a triple crisis confronting single mothers who, as both providers ","PeriodicalId":32430,"journal":{"name":"Michigan Family Review","volume":"18 3 1","pages":"25"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1997-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82891254","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Commentary: The Changing Dynamics of Work and Family","authors":"M. Levin","doi":"10.3998/MFR.4919087.0002.209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3998/MFR.4919087.0002.209","url":null,"abstract":"In the past decade there have been evolutionary changes in the social, political, and economic structure of the United States. This evolution has impacted both the family and the workplace as increasing numbers of people struggle to balance their work and family lives. As today's families blend, separate, and re-define themselves, so, too, is the modern workplace constantly changing, trying to respond to the ever-shifting directions of the political and economic climate. How, then, are we to meet the challenge of developing strategies that will be mutually beneficial to family preservation and workplace productivity? How do we manage to do so in an environment where the rules change while we are playing the game?Changing Family Dynamics\"American families today are living under circumstances much different than even a few years ago. Every income group and geographic region is affected,\" stated Representative George Miller, former chairman of the House Select Committee on Children, Youth and Families. He noted that most children aged 13 years and under live in a family in which either both parents or the only parent present are working. Whether this fact is good or bad is no longer an issue for discussion. The reality is that this trend will continue. Social changes over the years have opened up challenging career opportunities for both men and women. But, more importantly, changes in the economic structure now make it necessary for most adults to be gainfully employed in order to maintain their household. While the majority of people may be in the workforce because of economic necessity rather than career fulfillment, both reasons are equally valid. On the political front, it appears that welfare reform will mandate that all able-bodied adults be in the workforce.One of the fastest growing segments in the workforce are mothers of infants and toddlers. Most working women are likely to become pregnant at some time during their working lives. Whereas in the past most mothers stayed home at least until their children were in school, today the majority return to work within the first year of their child's life--often as early as six weeks after delivery. But it is not only parents of young children who face child-care issues. Working parents also must deal with the stresses associated with parenting school-age and teenage children, since many of these children remain unsupervised while parents are at work.A unique segment of the population is grandparents who find themselves raising their grandchildren. At a time in their lives when they may have anticipated more leisure and/or retirement, these older adults often have to remain in the workforce in order to provide financial support for their grandchildren. This problem is compounded by the fact that grandparents may have limited energy or health problems.While the issues related to work and family affect all family members throughout their lifespan, it would be unrealistic to overlook their disproport","PeriodicalId":32430,"journal":{"name":"Michigan Family Review","volume":"26 2 1","pages":"103"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1997-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89728146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Introduction: From Welfare to Well Being","authors":"Libby Balter Blume","doi":"10.3998/MFR.4919087.0002.201","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3998/MFR.4919087.0002.201","url":null,"abstract":"In Michigan, the percentage of families living in poverty in 1995 was 12.2%, a decrease from 14.1% in 1994 and 15.4% in 1993 (Schmid, 1996). The U.S. Census Bureau reported a similarly optimistic trend for the nation: The number of poor Americans dropped by 1.6 million people to 13.8% (with a $15,569 annual income defining the poverty threshold for a family of four). These facts were heralded by politicians as good news. However, while the overall U.S. poverty rate has fallen since the 1960s, the percent of children living in poverty has increased from 17.6% in 1966 to 20.8% in 1995 (Detroit Free Press, 1996). In December of 1996 the annual Kids Count [2] data book State Profiles of Well-Being was released at a conference in Detroit. The report documented several improvements in outcomes for Michigan children, although outcomes for children worsened in six areas, including economic security (Focus on Michigan's Children, 1996).Poverty has been defined conceptually as the absence of resources to meet basic needs. However, the poverty line cut-off does not reflect how far below (or above) the threshold people fall--the poverty gap (Huston, 1994); thus the U.S. Census Bureau's official poverty line greatly underestimates the number of working poor in America. The predominant image of the poor is of people who are unemployed or on welfare although a majority of the poor are able, non-elderly heads of household working full-time. In Michigan, while the state median income for families with children is higher than the national level, and per capita income in the state has increased, the share of Michigan's children in working poor families with one employed parent matched the national rate of 7.6% (Michigan League for Human Services, 1996a). About 184,000 children in Michigan live in poverty despite the fact that at least one parent in the family works a full year (Kids Count, 1996). Although some families maintain their standard of living with two earners, the percent of children living in single-mother families has increased over the last decade (Huston, McLoyd, & Coll, 1994) while the average wage has fallen 5%, adjusted for inflation. Many families cannot pay rent and child care on minimum and low-paying jobs (Kispert, 1996).According to the Michigan League for Human Services (1996b), stagnant wages, the proliferation of part-time work, low levels of public assistance, and reductions in emergency aid for families combine to place Michigan's children at risk of homelessness. Two separate research studies conducted in Michigan since the state cut 82,600 poor adults from the welfare rolls found that the people who were doing the best were receiving services from another program--state or federal disability or the federal Aid to Families with Dependent Children (Kispert, 1996). However, in 1996 Michigan began implementing parts of a new federal welfare law that changes the welfare system from one of entitlements to one of temporary assistance. A lifeti","PeriodicalId":32430,"journal":{"name":"Michigan Family Review","volume":"63 1","pages":"1"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1997-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90375941","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Terrie A. Harshaw, Renee M. Brockington Bouey, Libby Balter Blume
{"title":"Urban Homelessness: Psychological Outcomes for Mothers and Children","authors":"Terrie A. Harshaw, Renee M. Brockington Bouey, Libby Balter Blume","doi":"10.3998/MFR.4919087.0002.205","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3998/MFR.4919087.0002.205","url":null,"abstract":"Homelessness is a phenomenon that has been a part of the American lifestyle since colonial times. The meaning of homelessness has changed many times since the early years of the colonial settlements with different definitions emerging in response to national and regional situations. Since the mid-eighteenth century, homelessness has increased in times of economic difficulty and declined during periods of prosperity or with the outbreak of war. In previous centuries, the homeless poor were supported by family members. This system of relief usually remedied breaks in the family structure. Since poverty was virtually uncommon, the community regarded these people as their wards and assumed responsibility for those in distress. Little stigma was attached to homelessness because it was generally felt to be due to circumstances beyond one's control.CURRENT STATUS OF THE HOMELESSOver the last century, an increase in homelessness has been largely attributed to an increase in unemployment, underemployment, and poverty in general. Currently, the nature and scale of homelessness differs depending on the definition used. While the U. S. Bureau of the Census does not define homelessness, it has adopted the definition of the U. S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). A person is considered homeless if his or her nighttime residence is in either (a) public or private emergency shelters (schools, church basements, governmental buildings, former firehouses) or where temporary vouchers are provided by private or public agencies (hotels, apartments, or boarding homes); or (b) streets, parks, subways, bus terminals, railroad stations, airports, abandoned buildings without utilities, cars, trucks, under bridges or aqueducts, or in any other public or private space that is not designed as shelter (HUD, 1984). HUD's definition excludes residents of halfway houses and long-term detoxification centers. However, it does include those individuals temporarily detained in a local jail who would normally be on the street or in emergency shelters. Also included as homeless are battered women housed in temporary shelters.National estimates of homelessness continue to fluctuate greatly. The 1990 Census found that approximately 400,000 Americans were homeless, while advocacy groups have put the figure between 700,000 and 3 million. More current data suggest that there may be as many as over a million actual homeless individuals at any given time in the continental United States--with as many as three million people experiencing homelessness at some time each year. According to recent estimates, some 13.5 million Americans have been homeless for at least a few days sometime during their lives; and an additional 12.5 million have stayed off the street only by moving in with friends at some point in their lives, for periods that ranged from a few days to a year (Link, 1994). These data minimize current beliefs that homelessness is an aberration affecting Americans who h","PeriodicalId":32430,"journal":{"name":"Michigan Family Review","volume":"77 1","pages":"57"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1997-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80988556","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}