The Pacific Review最新文献

{"title":"Securitization, frame alignment, and the legitimation of US chip export controls on China","authors":"Hai Yang","doi":"10.1080/09512748.2023.2288961","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2023.2288961","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":312789,"journal":{"name":"The Pacific Review","volume":"96 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138599788","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"North Korean climate diplomacy: engagement, priorities, and opportunities for collaboration","authors":"Cesare M. Scartozzi, Gordon Kang","doi":"10.1080/09512748.2023.2261646","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2023.2261646","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThis study investigates North Korea’s climate diplomacy by analyzing a comprehensive dataset of 39 policy documents and 93,439 news articles through content and sentiment analysis. The research aims to provide insights into the country’s climate diplomacy approach, framing, and priorities. The findings reveal that North Korea’s climate diplomacy is primarily driven by materialistic interests, focusing on loss and damage reduction, access to climate finance, and technology transfers. The study highlights key themes in North Korea’s climate change discourse, such as economic factors, human security, and a surprisingly non-ideological stance. The sentiment analysis also indicates a collaborative approach toward the international community and strong support for UNFCCC mechanisms. The results offer valuable and nuanced implications for future diplomatic efforts, suggesting potential avenues for collaboration and engagement with North Korea on climate change issues. Nonetheless, the study also identifies several barriers to diplomatic engagement, such as North Korea’s reluctance to accept certain conditionalities associated with climate finance as well as its contentious focus on nuclear energy as a climate mitigation instrument. Overall, this research contributes to the growing literature on climate diplomacy and sheds new light on an underexplored aspect of North Korea’s foreign policy.Keywords: Climate changeclimate diplomacycontent analysiscooperationDPRKNorth Korea Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 The decision to utilize English language documents for this analysis is rooted in the specific scope of our investigation, which centers around climate diplomacy rather than domestic policymaking. Choosing English documents aligns with the international nature of our focus, as these materials are more directly tailored for engagement with the global community. The preference for English documents is further justified by the use of KCNA articles, where language-related constraints are mitigated by the extensive size of the dataset and the official translation of pertinent daily news into English by KCNA.Additional informationNotes on contributorsCesare M. ScartozziCesare M. Scartozzi is a Postdoctoral Fellow at the Alliance of Bioversity and CIAT (CGIAR). His current role involves research and programming activities aimed at promoting a transition towards inclusive and equitable low-emission development pathways. Before joining CGIAR in 2022, he completed his PhD in Public Policy at the University of Tokyo, where he examined the intersections between climate policy, finance, and security.Gordon KangGordon Kang is a senior analyst in the Regional Security Architecture Programme at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University (NTU), Singapore. He is also a member of the Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific (CSCAP) Singapore.","PeriodicalId":312789,"journal":{"name":"The Pacific Review","volume":"77 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135094327","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Middle powers as ‘peacemaking entrepreneurs’ in Myanmar’s peace process 2011–2021","authors":"Chiraag Roy, Anthony Ware, Costas Laoutides","doi":"10.1080/09512748.2023.2264520","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2023.2264520","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractMiddle powers were visible actors in Myanmar’s peace-donor landscape, from the beginning of that country’s peace process in 2011 until the 2021 coup. Considering Myanmar’s longstanding dependency on China and generally difficult relationship with larger powers, this appears to be significant. However, the literature on middle powers remains incapacitated by a definitional opacity that makes application of the term difficult, despite consistent references to their mediating capabilities. Recent scholarship has applied an ‘entrepreneurial’ lens to understanding middle power behaviour, implying middle powers are driven by a confluence of material and ideational factors. Based on fieldwork interviews with over fifty informants examining Norwegian, Japanese and Australian engagement with peacemaking in Myanmar 2011–2021, this paper expands on the entrepreneurial label and argues that middle powers in Myanmar acted as peacemaking entrepreneurs—as actors that traded upon their peacemaking reputations to secure concomitant material benefits. Nevertheless, this paper argues that engaging in peacemaking entrepreneurship proved to be problematic in Myanmar’s context, given it tended to favour incumbent power. Indeed, in stark contrast to theoretical assumptions of these actors as neutral intermediaries, this paper raises serious questions about the contribution of middle powers in peacemaking.Keywords: Entrepreneurial statesinternational relations theorymiddle powersMyanmarpeace processes Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Australia is widely accepted as a middle power (see Abbondanza, Citation2021; Patience, Citation2014; Ungerer, Citation2007). References have also been made to Norway (Behringer, Citation2005; Jordaan, Citation2003) and Japan (Cox, Citation1996) as middle powers. Norway also has a well-known global peacemaking reputation.2 Interview with a Western embassy official, Yangon, February 13, 2018.3 Interview with an INGO director, Yangon, March 8, 2018; First author interview with an independent consultant, Yangon, March 28, 2018.4 Interview with former UN official, March 14, 2018.5 Interview with Mr. Charles Petrie, former leader of the MPSI, Yangon, March 12, 2018.6 Interview with a UN official, Yangon, March 5, 2018; First author interview with a director of a local NGO, Yangon, March 21, 2018.7 Interview with an Independent consultant and academic, Yangon, March 6, 2018.8 A former think tank-based informant reaffirmed this view by discussing the visit of an Australian immigration minister to Myanmar during the reform period, who made it clear to the Australian embassy that they wanted to reduce the number of refugees coming from Myanmar.9 Interview with a programme manager of a CSO, Yangon, March 5, 2018.Additional informationNotes on contributorsChiraag RoyDr. Chiraag Roy is an International Relations scholar. He completed his PhD from the School of Humanities and Social Scien","PeriodicalId":312789,"journal":{"name":"The Pacific Review","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135739328","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The security policy community and the consensus on the US–Japan alliance: the role of think tanks, experts and the alliance managers","authors":"Beata Bochorodycz","doi":"10.1080/09512748.2023.2246664","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2023.2246664","url":null,"abstract":"The article addresses the issue of continuity of the consensus on the US–Japan alliance in the post-Cold War era, by employing the concepts of a security policy community (SPC) that comprises both government office-holders and non-governmental actors focused on the foreign and security policy. The main argument is three-fold; firstly, one of the major forces behind the continuity and enhancement of the security consensus on the US–Japan alliance has been the formation of the transnational SPC that includes members from the US and Japan; secondly, since the end of the Cold War, the SPC has developed a dense network of members, institutions, and practices that supports the advocacy of alliance enhancement as well as community cohesion and nurturing of new members; and thirdly, the think tank- and university-based experts play an increasingly vital role in the formation and dissemination of the security consensus. The article suggests that such arrangements can have both positive and negative consequences and that a proper balance between openness and exclusiveness, expertise and novelty, and continuity and innovation is required in order to maintain a vibrant marketplace of ideas for security policy. The article also indicates that with the transformation of the Indo-Pacific security architecture from the hub and spoke to the networked system, SPC might serve as a model in other US alignments.","PeriodicalId":312789,"journal":{"name":"The Pacific Review","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135937832","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Abstract of crisis in Philippine-U.S. security relations: from an alliance to a security partnership?","authors":"R. D. de Castro","doi":"10.1080/09512748.2020.1845227","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2020.1845227","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article explores the prospect of transforming the Philippine-U.S. alliance into a security partnership. In the past, the Philippines doubted the U.S.’s often-repeated commitment to assist its ally because the 1951 Philippine-U.S. Mutual Defence Treaty (MDT) merely stipulated consultation rather than an automatic armed response in case of an armed conflict. In mid-2011, the Aquino Administration asked for an unequivocal U.S. guarantee to defend the Philippines and its naval/air units deployed in the Spratlys. The Duterte Administration, however, has expressed its uncertainty over America’s willingness to back the Philippines militarily in any confrontation with China over the disputed maritime territory. Early this year, President Rodrigo Duterte commented that an armed clash in the South China Sea would crush the Philippines because the involvement of American forces would make the conflict spiral out of control. This development, along with his decision to abrogate the 1997 Philippine-U.S. Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), has generated a crisis in the alliance. To avert any break-down in their overall security relations, the two allies can explore the possibility of downgrading their alliance to a security partnership. In conclusion, the article argues that should the Philippines consider this option, it must take into account the following: the consequence of losing the deterrence effect of a defence treaty with the world’s most powerful nation; the impact on Philippine defence spending; on the ongoing Armed Forces of the Philippines’ (AFP’s) modernisation program; and whether or not the Filipino nation will support this move.","PeriodicalId":312789,"journal":{"name":"The Pacific Review","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122525917","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"‘Garuda shield’ vs ‘sharp knife’: operationalising Indonesia’s defence diplomacy","authors":"Frega Wenas Inkiriwang","doi":"10.1080/09512748.2020.1772352","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2020.1772352","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In the Post New Order period, there was a significant development in Indonesia. The issuance of the Law on TNI in 2004, has since guided how the Indonesian military operates in dealing with external and internal security threats and curbed its socio-political role, which is associated with the New Order regime. However, it has not explicitly touched upon the implementation of defence diplomacy, which has significantly increased within the last decade. Hence, the article aims to analyse the development of Indonesia’s Defence Diplomacy in the Post New Order period, particularly in the context of joint exercises. This article attempts to answer two key questions: ‘How has Indonesia developed its defence diplomacy as part of its overall diplomacy?’ and ‘What factors account for different practices undertaken in Indonesia’s defence diplomacy?’ The article qualitatively scrutinises the development of Indonesia’s defence diplomacy activities of joint exercises by comparing two bilateral exercises with the major powers, the Garuda Shield and the Sharp Knife. In supporting the analysis, the article relies on the combination of interviews and observations performed during fieldwork from July 2018 to July 2019. The article is critical since it offers an alternative approach to studying Indonesia’s defence diplomacy.","PeriodicalId":312789,"journal":{"name":"The Pacific Review","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126801253","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Creation of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank as a part of China’s smart power strategy","authors":"Emine Akcadag Alagoz","doi":"10.1080/09512748.2018.1519593","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2018.1519593","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The aim of this article is to assess the creation of the China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank within the scope of China’s smart power strategy, which will help not only to analyze China’s strategic use of its coercive and co-optive capacity, but also to understand better the concept of smart power. Given that the wisdom of statecraft can only be situationally determined, through this study I will propose the ability to achieve targeted objectives, the skill to use hard and soft power instruments in such a way that they reinforce each other, good interpretation of the existing regional and global contexts, time planning, and compatibility with long-term interests as criteria for judging the effectiveness of a smart power implementation.","PeriodicalId":312789,"journal":{"name":"The Pacific Review","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131159963","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Dealing with natural disasters","authors":"Angela Pennisi di Floristella","doi":"10.1080/09512748.2015.1013498","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2015.1013498","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Over the past two decades, natural disasters have severely hit the Southeast Asian region causing dramatic environmental, economic and social consequences. Through the lens of Beck's risk society framework and the theory of reflexive modernization, this article attempts at empirically taking stock of how the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is addressing disaster risk through the creation of new regional institutions and mechanisms. In particular, it argues that the accumulation of the experience of catastrophes is leading ASEAN members towards the development of new precautionary initiatives to deal with disasters, and to forge a new way forward for the promotion of disaster cooperation and joint emergency response. The article is divided into five sections, which will only consider initiatives endorsed within the ASEAN framework. The first introduces risk societies as forms of modern societies and of the insecurities of the present world. In the second section attention is drawn to natural disasters as a paradigmatic example of Beck's risk society. The third section explores how ASEAN normative governance is evolving to include the issue of disaster management within its security and social agenda. Then the main institutional and operational innovations and tools through which ASEAN is preparing to deal with disaster risk are explored. Finally, the article suggests that despite ASEAN overall institutional innovations, the practice of cooperation still is effected by several factors, above all the lack of adequate resources and the difficulty of reconciling principles of solidarity with national sovereignty, which hinder ASEAN effectiveness in this area.","PeriodicalId":312789,"journal":{"name":"The Pacific Review","volume":"54 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-03-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122478547","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"‘A living document’: promises of the ASEAN Charter","authors":"Katja Freistein","doi":"10.1080/09512748.2012.759266","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2012.759266","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Many recent analyses of the ASEAN Charter have tended to view the document very critically, judging the chances for implementation as low. In order to assess the potential of the Charter, this article argues, an analysis of the Charter needs to take its text seriously and look for the promises and the political consequences they entail. Taking textual representations of the Charter as its empirical basis, the article is based on a deconstructive reading of the legal text and focuses on some of the more controversial promises like democracy promotion, human rights and the role of the regional populations. The article takes into account the political struggles mirrored in the Charter and stresses conflict rather than consensus as a dominant mode of politics within ASEAN.","PeriodicalId":312789,"journal":{"name":"The Pacific Review","volume":"151 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131615283","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}