{"title":"Global Health Governance: The Case of the Biopolitics of Covid-19 Vaccine Nationalism","authors":"Aditya Pratama","doi":"10.22146/globalsouth.81049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22146/globalsouth.81049","url":null,"abstract":"In April 2020, the World Health Organisation (WHO), Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations (CEPI), GAVI, and the Vaccine Alliances officially launched COVID-19 Vaccines Global Access (COVAX) as a policy to facilitate equal access to COVID-19 vaccines for low-to-middle-income countries. The initiative has 184 member countries and supplies vaccines to 140 countries. By August 2021, COVAX will have provided 200 million vaccine doses instead of the 600 million doses initially proposed. The shortfall of vaccine doses through the mechanism of COVAX is not only because of production shortage but also partly due to vaccine nationalism by more high-income countries (HIC), where they secure vaccine stocks for their population. Such a phenomenon has made the Global South countries vulnerable as they have no facilities for vaccine production except India. Vaccine nationalism can be better seen from two spheres, biopolitics, and geopolitics. Previous researches on geopolitics and infectious disease are still rare. Thus, this research hopes to fill this gap. The two terms imply that vaccine nationalism involves the creation of borders and separating things and people. In other words, a particular spatial dynamic of exclusion divides the world, as manifested by an inadequate distribution of the benefits of COVID-19 vaccines between the North and the South. This research intends to analyze vaccine nationalism that causes the discrepancy in vaccine distribution between the North and the South countries from the theoretical perspectives of biopolitics and geopolitics. This research employs a case study of vaccine nationalism from 2020 to 2021. It is argued that vaccine nationalism is further divided between the North and South and the division between homeland security and world security.","PeriodicalId":303670,"journal":{"name":"Global South Review","volume":"148 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123435699","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Shifting of Regional Regime: Study Case of Renegotiation NAFTA to USMCA","authors":"Putri Febrianty Ardhana, Rahmah Daniah","doi":"10.22146/globalsouth.83345","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22146/globalsouth.83345","url":null,"abstract":"This study was designed using descriptive writing techniques using secondary data with library research techniques and qualitative analysis. The results of this study indicate that the factors behind the renegotiation of NAFTA to the USMCA come from internal and external factors. From internal factors, there are considerations from each NAFTA member country in the form of profit and loss considerations from an economic perspective, such as gains from Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and losses in the form of trade deficits. Meanwhile, from external factors, there were considerations related to the existence of economic threats from third parties, several NAFTA rules that are considered detrimental and irrelevant, as well as considerations of the potential for modernizing NAFTA rules from a digital trade perspective. In addition, the renegotiation of NAFTA to the USMCA also brings those international agreements to a deeper stage of economic integration, where the USMCA is between the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) and Customs Union stages because the USMCA has deeper rules than the FTA stage. However, on the other hand, it still does not fully comply with the rules at the stage of the Customs Union.","PeriodicalId":303670,"journal":{"name":"Global South Review","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131600425","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"DIGITAL ECONOMY TO BOOST ECONOMY RECOVERY POST-PANDEMIC: INDONESIA'S STRATEGIC POSITION AS NEW ECONOMIC POWER IN SOUTHEAST ASIA","authors":"T.C.I.T. Prasidya, Wahyu Candra Dewi","doi":"10.22146/globalsouth.83331","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22146/globalsouth.83331","url":null,"abstract":"The concept of the digital economy is a relatively new term used by Don Tapscott in 1995. Since then, this term has been widely discussed in different environments, and many countries have started transforming into digital economies using various strategies. The COVID-19 pandemic did not even stop the popularity of the digital economy; in fact, it is expected to be the core of economic recovery post-Covid-19, necessarily in Indonesia. Indonesia's massive number of internet users creates the opportunity to promote digitalization and eventually transform into a digital economy environment. In 2021, the digital trade valuation reached IDR 401 Trillion with an increasing preference for online spending habits. Supported by the rapid growth of the digital payment system and digital banking, the digital economy in Indonesia is projected to reach USD 146 billion valuations by the end of 2025. This study aims to discover the progression of the digital economy in Indonesia in regards to accelerating economic recovery post-pandemic covid-19 and how it would affect Indonesia's position in relations with South East Asia Countries. Furthermore, the report will also discuss the challenge and opportunity to transform into a digital society.","PeriodicalId":303670,"journal":{"name":"Global South Review","volume":"92 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121684675","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES OF THE 2022 G20 SUMMIT IN STRENGTHENING PREVENTION, PREPAREDNESS, AND RESPONSE (PPR) FINANCING AS A PART OF GLOBAL HEALTH ARCHITECTURE RESTRUCTURATION","authors":"Kevin Abimanyu Jatmiko","doi":"10.22146/globalsouth.81653","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22146/globalsouth.81653","url":null,"abstract":"Restructuring and strengthening the framework of Global Health Architecture (GHA) is one of the significant agendas raised at the 2022 G20 Summit held in Bali, Indonesia. One of the identified motivations behind this initiative concerns the gap in the prevention, preparedness, and response (PPR) financing policy and its sustainability. This problem generates inequity in the global health system–especially experienced by the low- and mid-income countries (LMICs)–and hinders the effort to comprehensively mitigate the impacts the threats have caused, such as from the current COVID-19 outbreak. Consequently, these countries are struggling due to their inability to acquire healthcare resources such as health infrastructures, vaccine access, and human resources. To understand how the 2022 G20 forum could contribute to restructuring and strengthening the architecture, this paper investigates the upcoming summit's potential challenges and opportunities in restructuring the GHA framework to close the gap in financing PPR and creating an equal global health system. In doing so, this article will apply desk study by collecting information from secondary data sources. One of the potential opportunities is to strengthen global health multilateralism through the G20 members' active engagement in the financial intermediary fund (FIF) platform. However, there is also a significant challenge regarding the current global solidarity and political tension. Therefore, the forum must consider these notions to create a more robust and sustained financial policy to strengthen the architecture.","PeriodicalId":303670,"journal":{"name":"Global South Review","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129166748","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Alfin Febrian Basundoro, Muhammad Irsyad Abrar, Trystanto Trystanto
{"title":"Assessing the Response of the Global South to Russo-Ukrainian War: Case Study of India","authors":"Alfin Febrian Basundoro, Muhammad Irsyad Abrar, Trystanto Trystanto","doi":"10.22146/globalsouth.81817","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22146/globalsouth.81817","url":null,"abstract":"The Russian invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, resulted in a prolonged war between the two countries. It creates a worldwide geoeconomic impact, including stagflation due to the disruption of the supply chains, profoundly affecting the economies of Global South countries. Additionally, the aggression contradicts the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, and independence that the Global South countries hold dear (United Nations, 2015). Despite these, most Global South countries, including India, refused to condemn Russia for its actions, except for the UN General Assembly vote to condemn Russia on March 2. This situation begs the question: Why would not India, one of the significant Global South countries, blame Russia for its detrimental actions to the ideals of the Global South? We argue that when national interests and values come into conflict, Global South countries may prioritize their interest rather than uphold the values deeply held by the Global South—a vindication that Realpolitik still held preeminence within the foreign policymaking of the Global South countries, including India. This is evident in India's response to the Russian aggression, as India still maintains a strategic partnership with Russia even after Russia tramples the values of the Global South via its war in Ukraine. At the same time, India tries to avoid being engaged closely with Russia as India still needs the support of the United States to balance China's geopolitical moves, given India's territorial disputes with China.","PeriodicalId":303670,"journal":{"name":"Global South Review","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121225855","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Effort of State and Non-State Actors in Ensuring Access to Primary and Secondary Education for Indonesian Citizens in Singapore","authors":"D. Wulandari","doi":"10.22146/globalsouth.80403","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22146/globalsouth.80403","url":null,"abstract":"Singapore’s Ministry of Education (MOE) policy in the Singapore local schools admission that places international students as the last priority after Singapore citizens and Permanent Residents, coupled with the expensive school fees for international students are the main problems in accessing primary and secondary education faced by Indonesian citizens in Singapore. Efforts from various parties are needed to ensure the fulfillment of access to primary and secondary education for Indonesian Citizens in Singapore. This research explores state and non-state actors' efforts to ensure access to primary and secondary education for Indonesian citizens in Singapore. Data collection was obtained through interviews and a literature review. This research shows that multi-track diplomacy is established between state actors consisting of the Indonesian Embassy in Singapore and Indonesian State-Owned Enterprises as representative of track 1, and non-state actors consist of professionals (track 2), entrepreneurs (track 3), and college students (track 5). The multi-track diplomacy is reflected in the establishment of Sekolah Indonesia (Singapura) Ltd. and Pusat Kegiatan Belajar Masyarakat (PKBM) KBRI Singapura. The multi-track diplomacy is established because of shared values of humanitarianism. The collaboration of multi-track diplomacy and the spirit of humanitarianism has received positive responses from Singapore Government agencies and educational institutions, which aim to improve the quality of education at Sekolah Indonesia (Singapura) Ltd. and PKBM KBRI Singapura.","PeriodicalId":303670,"journal":{"name":"Global South Review","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125090711","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Perilous Road Towards World Society (?): Global South in The Russo-Ukraine War","authors":"D. Larasati","doi":"10.22146/globalsouth.81394","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22146/globalsouth.81394","url":null,"abstract":"This paper addresses the lukewarm reaction exhibited by most of the Global South (GS) states regarding the Russo-Ukraine war. Despite the massive campaigning from the West for the world to side with Ukraine and go against Russia, only a few of the GS states follow through with this narration. Most of them choose to pledge neutrality instead, which is unexpected if one considers that the majority of the GS also experienced military aggressions and occupations in the past. By employing qualitative research methods, this paper is written to provide an interpretation of this phenomenon through the English School perspective, precisely its argument regarding the concepts of the ‘International System,’ ‘International Society,’ and ‘World Society’ spectrum. This paper finds that this condition happens because the GS perceives the Russo-Ukrainian conflict as an ‘alien’ conflict largely detached from the GS’ own international society, which has a separate model of interactions built upon a long span of historical events unrelated to both Russia and Ukraine. This sense of viewing the conflict as ‘foreign’ emerges from the perspective of this conflict being fought amongst the ‘Global North’ states. This means that both belligerents are conceptually equal in terms of being actors from ‘outside’ the international society of the GS. Other than that, the GS also has shared norms that go against the interventionist policies advocated by the GN states. However, the loose notion of ‘World Society’ is still viable, as, despite the North-South divide, both societies share the expected value of a nation-state’s sovereignty. ","PeriodicalId":303670,"journal":{"name":"Global South Review","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129221618","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Narrative Policy Framework (NFP) Electronic System Operator Policy: Surveillance and Cyber Security","authors":"Ambar Alimatur Rosyidah, Farah Fajriyah","doi":"10.22146/globalsouth.81057","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22146/globalsouth.81057","url":null,"abstract":"Indonesia, as one of the Global South countries, has responded to digital transformation by launching the policy of the Minister of Communication and Information Technology Number 5 of 2020 concerning the Implementation of Private Electronic Systems (ESO) for the realization of digital sovereignty. The policy reaped negative sentiments from the public. Several articles considered ‘rubber articles’ indicated to weaken human rights in obtaining and conveying information, as stated in Article 28F of the 1945 Constitution. This study aims to understand the narrative of digital sovereignty built by Kominfo in the ESO policy and strategies to strengthen that narrative. The research method uses a qualitative approach to the Narrative Policy Framework (NFP) by collecting reliable online data from the official Kominfo website, online media, and press conference videos. This study was studied using Agency Theory, where the Indonesian people, as the principal, delegate authority to the agent, Kominfo, related to ESO policies. The results of the NPF found economic narration from the Ministry of Communication and Information Technology. This narration contradicts the narrative of ESO’s policy with the goal of its existence, which is the realization of digital sovereignty. This study also underscores the importance of co-regulation with ESO to strengthen the narrative of digital sovereignty.","PeriodicalId":303670,"journal":{"name":"Global South Review","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121993271","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ica Cahayani, Ahmad Mujaddid Fachrurreza, Agata Nina Puspita
{"title":"THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN BRICS AND G7 IN RESPONDING TO THE UKRAINE-RUSSIA CRISIS: G20 MULTILATERAL CRISIS?","authors":"Ica Cahayani, Ahmad Mujaddid Fachrurreza, Agata Nina Puspita","doi":"10.22146/globalsouth.81003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22146/globalsouth.81003","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction/Main Objective: This research discusses the differences in BRICS and G7 responses to the Ukraine-Russia conflict, where these two groups consist of countries with different political interests. Following the results of the G7 and BRICS Summits, both responded differently to the Ukraine-Russia crisis. Background Problem: Differences in response are proposed because the G20 has the vision to achieve the resolution of policy issues on problems that hinder world economic growth, one of which is the food crisis caused by the Uraina-Russia conflict. The selection of the G7 and BRICS's different responses is the right strategy to determine how much potential the G20 has. It is difficult to achieve its goal of providing solutions for the world economy thanks to the structure of its members, who have diverse interests and responses to the Ukraine-Russia crisis. Novelty: This study uses interest-based theory to analyze the differences in the responses of the G7 and BRICS. This theory seeks to explain the formation of the G20's international regime by dismantling aspects of the fundamental interests behind the cognitive states that decided to establish the international regime of the G20. Method: The method used in this research is the discourse analysis method in a case set because this study wants to see changes in discourse related to the multilateral G20. Findings/Results: The complexity of trading, namely the BRICS and G7, with different responses and interests in responding to the Ukrainian crisis, can encourage a multilateralism crisis in the G20. The research results prove that the complexity of reporting generates different interests, so the response to the Ukrainian-Russian crisis tends to differ. Conclusion: The G20 has not been able to overcome the different interests of its members in solving the problem of the world food crisis because the discussion of the world food crisis is linked to the discussion of Ukrainian-Russian security politics.","PeriodicalId":303670,"journal":{"name":"Global South Review","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121093795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Global South Perspective on the Threat to Multilateralism in G20 Post-Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine","authors":"Maudy Noor Fadhlia, Azza Bimantara","doi":"10.22146/globalsouth.80982","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22146/globalsouth.80982","url":null,"abstract":"The G20 is set up to foster cooperation among states while sharing common principles and values. Even though it was first created to handle the global financial crisis, G20 has become a big multilateral forum covering other strategic developmental issues. At the beginning of this year, Russia's invasion of Ukraine came unexpectedly and created commotion among the G20 members. Some members assume it threatens multilateralism in G20 since Russia ignores international law. This paper uses a qualitative approach through a case study, collects the data from a literature review, and looks at different dimensions of multilateralism. Furthermore, the discussion will focus on the perspective of the Global South regarding the multilateralism crisis by overviewing the characteristics of multilateralism in crisis. The result of this paper indicates that the division among the West, Russia, China, and other members showed that the consensus and compliance in G20 no longer exist. It is considered a sign of the deficit of multilateralism where Russia and the West challenged and then pressured the multilateral system. On the other hand, most Global South countries took a different perspective and stance when the West and its allies heavily condemned Russia. While the other countries busily try to expel Russia from G20, the Global South representative countries remain neutral to maintain their relationship with the superpowers. The different perspectives and actions among the G20 members emphasize the crisis of multilateralism that reflects a battle of narratives.","PeriodicalId":303670,"journal":{"name":"Global South Review","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114563363","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}